A four-year war in Croatia in the early nineties left Eastern Slavonia and the Vukovar region struggling with the consequences of inter-ethnic conflict and human suffering. Poorly addressed post-ethnic reconciliation issues resulted in many challenges in everyday living for the people of Vukovar, especially so with the segregation of the public educational system based on language and ethnicity. This research explored the outcomes of the policy in Vukovar to divide the student body based on the language they spoke. The literature review examined issues of inter-ethnic conflict, post-war reconciliation, and the process of grieving and transition in order to define how these processes affect people involved in public schooling in Vukovar today. I have examined literature in intercultural sensitivity, intercultural conflict, reconciliation, cultural marginality, and identity formation. I compiled data through in-depth interviews with five specialists in the field of public educational system in Vukovar. They included a journalist and author, a teacher, administrators, and parents. I found the presence of slow but consistent increase in readiness for the process of rejoining schools in Vukovar. This convergence in attitudes of the majority and the minority groups regarding their public school education might be the best indicator that Vukovar is shifting from the position of grieving to a place more open to the new solutions and agreements. However, one should not forget that bringing students together is not a key to reconciliation. Even though it appears that parents and teachers have motivation and good incentives to accomplish the process of reuniting, the students themselves lack the understanding of the importance of the same. I hope that this study will provide insight into the state of affairs in Vukovar's educational system today and may provide insight into the ways of managing the larger issues of reintegration and reconciliation between the diverse cultural communities.

The resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany since reunification in 1990 has been challenged by two peaks in asylum seeker applications in 1992 and again in 2016. From the 1992 peak, which was fueled by asylum seekers fleeing the former Yugoslavia, extensive research has already been conducted over the past thirty years. These studies have demonstrated the actual outcomes of these primarily Yugoslavian asylum seekers and refugees with these findings indicating legal and economic uncertainty having a detrimental effect even years after resettlement. Using Germany as a case study, this analysis aims to survey the available information in the more recent example of asylum seekers arriving in Germany from 2014 onwards primarily from the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Ultimately, successful resettlement equates to successful integration measures. The issues of policy legacy and learning as well as elements of the available support network for asylum seekers in housing, Integrationskurse (integration courses), and advice centers are examined to understand how each relates to successful integration and security for asylum seekers. The findings indicate that Germany has achieved successful resettlement and integration of asylum seekers through policy learning from the early 1990s onwards and a strong support network available for those seeking asylum, yet the exclusion of certain groups from integration measures unfairly leaves some behind. A continuous evaluation of these integration measures is necessary to ensure the successful resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany in anticipated future peaks in asylum seeker applications.

This study investigated the relationship between intercultural communication sensitivity and the culturally developed variables of emotional intelligence, ethnocentrism. multicultural ideology, patriotism and cultural identity. Correlation analysis was used to investigate the retationship between each unique variable and intercultural communication sensitivity. The survey instrument developed to analyze each relationship was created by previously determined scales with proven reliability and validity scores which ensured result integrity. A sample of 419 undergraduate college students completed questionnaires on a confidential and voluntary basis. Questionnaires made up of six sections measured intercultural communication sensitivity, emotional intelligence, ethnocentrism. multicultural ideology. patriotism and cultural identity. Data were collected from two universities in Northern California-one small private institution and one large; public institution. Through careful analysis, results supported previous literature and proposed hypotheses. Intercultural communication :sensitivity was positively correlated to emotional intelligence and multicultural ideology and negatively correlated to ethnocentrism, patriotism and cultural identity. The results reported in this study is valuable information for individuals in professional and personal contexts who desire to understand factors that may affect their ability to effectively, appropriately and successfully engage in intercultural and international interactions. The results presented may be key for improving intercultural and international relations due to improved communication.

The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) garnered global news media attention in Summer 2014 when it seized a significant section of land in Iraq and Syria. The group then mishandled and executed its captives. There is a lack of consensus among the international community, led by Russia and the United States, on how best to address the threat posed by ISIS. An understanding of the function of Russian and U.S. news media coverage of the ISIS threat is an appropriate research topic. The purpose of this qualitative content analysis study was to explore how the U.S, Russian, and Qatari news media represented ISIS between May 1, 2014, and May 1, 2015. The theoretical framework for this study was the agenda-setting theory. The research questions centered on how 3 news media outlets from the 3 countries represented ISIS within this time frame. The study design was a qualitative deductive content analysis with purposeful sampling. Data were coded in a binary manner and analyzed using the data software program Dedoose. Themes identified in the analysis were mitigation, insecurity, foreign fighters, responsibility, and propaganda. The results of this study suggest that there are similarities and differences in Russian, Qatari, and U.S. media outlets' depiction of ISIS between May 1, 2014, and May 1, 2015, which can be explained by agenda-setting theory. The significance of this study is twofold. First, the information arising from the study may influence social change by assisting counterterrorism officials and policy makers in making informed decisions about how to mitigate the ISIS threat. Second, this study contributes to the existing literature on ISIS and its global media representation for future researchers.

This paper examines the relationship between Track I Diplomacy and Civil Society in Cyprus. Cyprus has been a divided island for over 45 years despite numerous attempts at reconciliation on the societal level and ongoing negotiations on the diplomatic level. It was the aim of this study to examine the ways in which both civil societies and their leaders do or have worked together, if at all, to negotiate a political solution or reconciliation between the two communities. Interviews were conducted on both sides of the cultural divide and within both political and civil society sectors. Those interviews were coded, categorized, and then thematically analyzed. Findings explicate three themes that challenge the relationship and cooperation between Track I and Track II; Structural Elements, Nationalism, and International Support. Furthermore, it is proposed that the leaders must lead and support their citizens in reconciliation and peacebuilding efforts while continuing to negotiate a solution to the Cyprus problem as civil society organizations continue to support negotiation efforts.

In the study of contemporary politics few interstate relationships have proven more instrumental, controversial, and perplexing to global policy makers than that which has persisted between Moscow and Tehran since the collapse of the USSR. Despite the great importance of Russian-Iranian relations to questions of global and regional politics there has, to date, been very little in the way of critical scholarship performed on the subject. While a wide-array of accounts from subject analysts provide a wealth of data on contemporary and historical events which have presumably defined and conditioned bilateral relations, there has been relatively little effort to isolate, examine, test, and evaluate those conditions or variables that are deemed salient to cooperation. In light of these circumstances, this study seeks to initiate a tradition of scholarship on Russian-Iranian relations that appeals broadly to the use of a scientific methodology. The first step of any scientific inquiry requires attention devoted expressly to the development of a dependent variable of bilateral political affinity. While it remains outside the scope of this present investigation to analyze the host of factors/conditions capable of influencing bilateral relations, the formalization of a variable which records changing political affinity is a necessary first step and one that will fill-in a significant gap within the existing literary tradition. Rather than simply dismissing the extant tradition of literature on Russian-Iranian relations, this study seeks to aggregate and transform the subject's many diverse narratives into a user-friendly, quantitative, political metric which can form the basis for future empirical inquiry. Thus this study introduces a new approach to monitoring and measuring changes in Russian-Iranian cooperation known as General Political Affinity (GPA). Represented on the basis of a 21-point scaled indicator of bilateral affinity, GPA succinctly defines cooperation between Moscow and Tehran as the summation of three underlying, persistent issue dimensions: the trade in conventional weapons; cooperation in Iranian nuclear development; and level of agreement on matters of Caspian Sea delimitation. In more generic terms, these three criteria seek to evaluate interstate cooperation, generically, as a product of: defense cooperation; state-sponsored development assistance; and territorial agreement. The unique approach to operationalizing political affinity presented in this study not only functionally improves our ability to explain and predict the course of Russian-Iranian relations, but also provides a new schematic for evaluating bilateral relations among all political dyads.

Success in International Collaboration in Science and Technology (ICST) depends on various factors, different players have different perspectives. Governments participate in collaboration in order to meet their country's policy goals. Scientists and researchers establish their contacts through their personal channels or scientific networks in order to pursue their own academic interest. There are two significant approaches in ICST Policy making which are "top-down" and "bottom-up" approaches. Both approaches are important. One approach can not fit all. Each approach has its own advantages and disadvantages. A balance between these two approaches is necessary. The objective of this research is to develop a strategic policy model for international collaboration in science and technology to bridge the gap between "top-down" and "bottom-up" approaches. A strategic policy model was developed in which the characteristics of ICST proposals and expert judgments are quantified to determine the relative importance the country's international S&T vision and objectives and specific sectors, and to evaluate the proposals accordingly. Four international evaluation criteria are proposed in this research: strategic importance (SI), potential impact (PI), human resource development (HRD), and matching fund from international partners (MF). Each proposal is evaluated with respect to each criterion and related sub-criteria. The value of each ICST proposal is then calculated by incorporating all of the elements at each level of the model. The output of this model is the ranking of the ICST proposals coming from the "bottom-up" approach that satisfy the national priorities and organizational requirements represented by the "top-down" approach. The model facilitates the national policymakers to make better decisions about participating in ICST research, and the researchers to have a better understanding of the entire international scientific collaboration system by identifying research opportunities to fit in.

It is important to consider the effects of past conflicts on the current perceptions of the people of Cyprus and of the future generations. This thesis contends that the ongoing division of Cyprus along with the many unresolved issues regarding past conflicts have had a profound effect on how the people of Cyprus perceive new information in regard to their future. The inquiry will explore the historical background of Cyprus and the affects of nationalism. The need for enemies, large group identity, divided societies and the need for dialogue will also be examined in relation to perception and new information. In light of the interviews and the lived experiences in Cyprus questions arise in regard to how the Cypriots will move forward to a solution that is agreeable to both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. With each person's perception being influenced by the past conflicts, pain and suffering how will they move forward? How has protracted conflict and nationalism influenced the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot perceptions to new information including a possible solution in Cyprus?

Small-scale sport events have been argued to be sustainable form of tourism development for communities (Gibson, 1999). The purpose of this study was to analyze four small-scale sport events all operated by NIGSA (Nómadas International Group SA) in the Magallanes region of Chile. The four events at the core of this study were: Patagonian Expedition Race, Patagonian International Marathon, Ultra Trail Torres del Paine, and the Ultra Fiord which operate partially or completely inside the Torres del Paine National Park. As a biosphere reserve established by the United Nations, Torres del Paine National Park requires a sustainable perspective of event sport tourism. A 2011 alteration of biosphere reserve qualification criteria from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has heightened the need for protection, preservation, and responsible management of Torres del Paine National Park and the small-scale sport events being studied. This document includes sustainability and event sport tourism literature, a detailed methodology, findings and discussion from the data collected, and a few suggestions for the industry and event organizers. This study aimed to reveal development potential or lack thereof as a result of small-scale event sport tourism in the Torres del Paine National Park. Thus, this report addressed the main question: are the annual small-scale sport events hosted by the NIGSA a sustainable form of sport event tourism in a biosphere reserve and its extended host community?

This study covers not only the cause of Korea’s entry into the world affairs with the United States in 1882, but also it is a study of modern power politics in the Far East, in which Korea played a significant role. The importance of the Korea position in international affairs has been dimly treated by the Western World - yet, she is a nation populated by approximately thirty millions; the thirteenth largest nation in the world, and Koreans are the most homogenous people in the world; the nation, which is thrust down off the coast of Asia between the thirty-fifth and forty-fifth parallels and separating the Sea of Japan form the Yellow Sea, greatly contributed her civilization to mankind at a time when the great Roman Empire was busy conquering the world at an excessive speed