Thesis (M. A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1997. / Bibliography: leaves 169-170.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Division of the Social Sciences, December 1999. / Includes bibliographical references. Alsoi available on the Internet.

Diss.--Mainz--Universität, 1993. / Bibliogr. p. 229-243.

This dissertation is about the political rhetorical process of reconciliation in the wake of crimes against humanity. In contrast to war crimes trials, the political process of reconciliation aims to bring together parties in conflict under the auspices of what are most often called "truth and reconciliations commissions" (TRC). For the Western juridico-political tradition, the ends of transitional justice are directed toward the enactment of retributive violence as a way to reestablish the political field through punishment and the institution of the rule of law. Rather than reestablishing a relationship, law reflects the logic of the sovereign decision and the application of supposedly universal moral standards. The TRC forum works, in contrast, toward a coming-into-relation of perpetrators and the aggrieved, and does so by focusing on the performance of speech and action about past atrocities as a way to turn toward future peace. Following the work of Hannah Arendt, I propose that rhetoric is central to the process of political relationship building. I conceive of rhetoric in its persuasive mood as a process of wooing an other where free deeds transform into free words in the exchange of opinion. I explore the role of forgiveness in the reconciliation process and the need for deliberation in discerning the border between the forgivable and unforgivable as part of the process of coming-into-relation. Finally, I consider how reconciliation and the process of political transition is suited to the notion of "democracy to come" and its implications for always already thinking a future that will never come, but that we, as citizens of democratic communities, must take as our goal.

A partir de una aproximación al ensayo Sobre la violencia, intentaremos comprender la relación que existe entre la violencia y el mal en la filosofía de  Hannah Arendt. El artículo partirá ubicando el tratamiento crítico arendtiano  de la noción kantiana del mal radical en Los orígenes del totalitarismo, y el vuelco  que da su pensamiento en el tratamiento del mal al formular en Eichmann en  Jerusalén la posibilidad de que las acciones humanas puedan tener motivaciones  banales. Según nuestro punto de vista, es posible establecer una relación de  continuidad entre esta banalidad del mal con la idea de mal radical, en tanto  ambas concepciones del mal se refieren a la anulación efectiva del carácter  espontáneo de las acciones humanas. Asimismo, sugeriremos que dicho tratamiento del problema del mal arendtiano puede entenderse en estrecha  relación con sus investigaciones sobre el ejercicio de la violencia sistemática  en los regímenes totalitaristas y sus tesis sobre la naturaleza del poder en los  regímenes políticos. La ignorancia del poder designará, así, tanto un equívoco  teórico sobre la naturaleza del poder, como el modo efectivo en el que el  mal se encuentra presente en regímenes políticos que apuntan a dominar,  mediante la violencia, las acciones de los hombres.

Submitted by Estagiário SPT BMHS (spt@fgv.br) on 2012-03-05T11:53:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 000055154.pdf: 7658819 bytes, checksum: 2014f2f1444036f6ce15c25036a3ef06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-03-05T11:53:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 000055154.pdf: 7658819 bytes, checksum: 2014f2f1444036f6ce15c25036a3ef06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1989 / The obJective of this essay is to anal~se the relationship between education and politics, from ph~losophical point Df wiew., in the 1 ight of Hannah Arendt's thought. It is a monographic work divided in two parts. The first one exposes certain central ideas of arendtlan thought. Such ideas had b~en selected according to thelr expllclt or Impllcit relationship wlth the main subJect - the question of education - which ·the &econd part deals with. The stud~ Includes also brief biographical notes on Hannah Arendt fol1owed b~ some information on her Intellectual route. Devoted to the research on life condltlons of the modern h~man being, Hannah Arendt tries to rescue the importance of man's pol it ical action, that must evolve in a public space free of violence and constraint, a ·place· where humanlta. ma~ develop b~ seeking a consensus, a mutual understanding in favour of common well-being... / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as relaç~es entre a edu~açio e a po)(tlca, de um ponto de vista 'ilos6'ico, ~ luz do pennamento de Hannah Arendt. Trata-se de um trabalho monogr4fico, constltu(do de duas partes. A primeira' dedicada a uma exposiçlo de certas id6ias centrais no pensamento arendtiano. Tais Idéias 'oram selecio~adas em 'unçio de sua r€laçio, expl{cita ou impl{cita, com o tema principal a questlo da educaçlo - ao qual , dedicada a segunda parte. Consta, ainda, do trabalho um cap(tulo contendo um resumo blogr'flco de Hannah Arendt, acompanhado de in'ormaç~es sobre sua traJet6ria intelectual. Dedicada ~ inv€stigaçio acerca das condiç~es de vida do homem moderno, Hannah Arendt busca resgatar a Importlncia da açio pol{tica do homem, a ser desenvolvida num espaço pGblico livre de viol~ncia e de coaçio, 'lugar' onde se pode desenvolver a hu.anitas, atraY~s a busca de consenso, de entendimento.em prol do bem comum...

In my dissertation, I argue that the neoliberalization of higher education results in the university becoming less and less a place of wonder, self-cultivation and thinking and instead more and more a place to specialize, strategize and produce. This is a result of the volatile infusion and mixing of the logic of calculative rationality at work in consumer capitalism with the logic of scientific instrumental rationality already hegemonic in academia. This adds to the demands of the academic world of production the demands of the world of consumption. Now the academic (and also the student) is interpellated not only as a producer of knowledge but also as an object of consumption (to be consumed by others). These new pressures, previously kept at a distance from academia, explosively accelerate the already rapid process of rationalization of which science is already a key part and increasingly structure higher education as a field of strategic action in which students no longer have the time to think and to develop good judgment. I worry this undermines the opportunity for students to develop into good citizens that can truly think critically and judge carefully. Thinking and judgment are, according to Arendt, the only things that can save us if the powerful machines of science or capitalism begin to work in ways they should not. Arendt saw Nazi Germany use the newest science and the best economic management to systematically kill six million Jews. She saw the disturbing inability of the populace and the intellectuals to capably resist the Nazi machine once it got rolling. I argue than unless checked, neoliberalization threatens to turn the university into a place that discourages thinking and the development of judgment in favor of hyperspecialization and strategic action.

SILVA, Cícero Samuel Dias. A permanência e a ruptura : arte e política em Hannah Arendt. 2013. 105f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-13T12:05:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-CSDSILVA.pdf: 899666 bytes, checksum: 8fb4265ffaa52517752c280a85809aa1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-13T12:47:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-CSDSILVA.pdf: 899666 bytes, checksum: 8fb4265ffaa52517752c280a85809aa1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-13T12:47:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-CSDSILVA.pdf: 899666 bytes, checksum: 8fb4265ffaa52517752c280a85809aa1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / This thesis investigates the relationship between art and politics in Hannah Arendt’s thought. The objective is to present the way the issue is viewed by the author. To achieve this end, concepts of rupture and permanece will be articulated. Therefore, it resorts to such works as The Human Condition (1951), Between Past and Future (1968), Men in Dark Times (1968) and The Life of the Mind (1978), inasmuch as these writings seem to condense fundamental traces of this discussion, given as effective means of aproximation to this problem. The first chapter focuses on the analysis of the general environment from which Arendt composes its reflexive web, ie: that one consisting on political issues that emerge in the events of the twentieth century. One diagnoses a broad context of crisis drawn from the understanding of an undeniable fraying of Western moral and political tradition. When the traditional political and moral categories that guide action and thought are broken, one experiences the radical inability to judge, linked to the inaccessibility of the past that reverberates in the very opacity of the present. Before the confirmation of a crisis given as a synonym for the darkening of the world, to which art and politics - dimensions par excellence ruled in permanence - do not pass unscathed, one moves to a second chapter whose reflection adheres to the idea of culture in the face of the lost of tradition; one travels up the topic of culture in a mass society, linking it to concepts like philistinism and entertainment. Taking the breaking theme, chained by the preceding chapters, the third chapter highlights the rehabilitation of appearence as able to demonstrate the relationship between contemporary art and politics, coming thus to the core point of our proposal. / O presente trabalho assume por escopo a exposição da relação entre arte e política no pensamento de Hannah Arendt, tendo em vista apresentar o modo tal qual esta autora a visualiza por meio da articulação dos conceitos de ruptura e de permanência. Para tanto, recorre-se a obras como A condição humana (1951), Entre o passado e o futuro (1968), Homens em tempos sombrios (1968) e A vida do espírito (1978), na medida em que esses escritos parecem condensar traços fundamentais dessa discussão, dados como via efetiva de aproximação dessa problemática. Um primeiro capítulo concentra-se no enfoque do quadro geral entorno do qual Arendt compõe sua teia reflexiva, isto é: aquele constituído pelas questões políticas que emergem nos eventos do século XX. Afere-se o diagnóstico de um contexto amplo de crise extraído da compreensão de um inegável esgarçamento da tradição política e moral ocidental. Fissuradas as categorias políticas e morais tradicionais orientadoras de ação e pensamento, experimenta-se a radicalidade da incapacidade de julgar, vinculada à inacessibilidade do passado que reverbera na própria opacidade do presente. Em face da constatação da crise dada como sinônimo de obscurecimento do mundo, à qual arte e política – dimensões por excelência pautadas na permanência – não passam incólumes, transita-se a um segundo capítulo cuja reflexão atém-se à ideia de cultura diante da perda da tradição; percorre-se o tema da cultura em uma sociedade de massas, articulando-o a conceitos como filisteísmo e entretenimento. O terceiro momento, assumindo o tema da ruptura encadeado pelos capítulos anteriores, evidencia a reabilitação da aparência como horizonte capaz de demonstrar a relação existente entre arte e política contemporânea, chegando, portanto, ao ponto central de nossa proposta.

This thesis explores the themes of forgiveness and cosmopolitanism through the prism of ‘care' – a term which is used here in reference to Hannah Arendt's notion of ‘care for the world'. It presents both a theory of a ‘caring forgiveness' and a ‘caring cosmopolitanism,' two world-centric theories of political action conceptualized from a reconsideration of Jacques Derrida's and Arendt's respective bodies of thought. Additionally, this thesis illustrates how a caring forgiveness and cosmopolitanism are practices that introduce new beginnings into the public realm of the political, effectively allowing people(s) to negotiate the temporal gap between past and future by facilitating their nonviolent and non-instrumental transition through time. Although there is a tendency in (global) politics to react violently as a means of re-establishing hierarchical dynamics of power in the (international) political arena, a caring forgiveness and cosmopolitanism are two forms of praxis which cultivate new action instead of perpetuating – in an automatic manner – pernicious cycles of violence. Accordingly, forgiveness and cosmopolitanism are worldly practices that can be said to care for the doing of political action in a manner that does not merely react to past occurrences of (violent) wrongdoing. This thesis consequently demonstrates how forgiveness and cosmopolitanism ‘care for the world' by ensuring that political actors continue to possess the capacity to initiate new action(s) and to develop freely new plot lines in the ever unfolding meta-narrative of human history.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-12-12Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:54:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 turbay_l_me_mar.pdf: 560437 bytes, checksum: 8e48f070d7dfa9041b38041059780b84 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A dignidade humana é um tema que Hannah Arendt debate ao longo de toda sua obra. A partir do fenômeno totalitário, por conta do qual se torna pensadora da política, Arendt entenderá que a despeito do caráter universal que a tradição ocidental atribuía à dignidade do homem, esta só é real, só adentra o plano da efetividade e resguarda o respeito aos indivíduos, quando eles fazem parte de uma comunidade pela qual compartilhem responsabilidade. De acordo com o pensamento de Arendt os governos totalitários representaram uma verdadeira ruptura com a tradição de pensamento e com o conjunto de valores ocidentais. Através do controle total do comportamento humano os governos nazista e stalinista conseguiram dissolver os limites entre o domínio público e a esfera privada, entre o Estado e as massas, entre o poder e a violência, entre a política e a administração da vida humana, deste modo forjaram um mundo em que o sentido das ações humanas passou a remeter a finalidades voltadas ao progresso biológico ou social do processo da história da espécie humana, neste mundo o princípio da dignidade humana poderá ser substituído pela descartabilidade em massa de seres humanos, sob uma aparente legitimidade. Nesta dissertação serão apresentadas as relações que estabelece Arendt entre este fenômeno e a instabilidade inerente à própria estrutura do Estado-nação, agravada pelo capitalismo, bem como os limites que a própria tradição de pensamento apresenta na compreensão da gravidade de tal evento, de seu real impacto sobre os seres humanos ali sujeitos à aniquilação, e dos perigos que representam as novas formas de dominação nele descobertas em relação à cultura ocidental e à própria humanidade. Também será abordada a fenomenologia da vita activa elaborada por Arendt, segundo a qual a natalidade – a permanente possibilidade de surgimento... / The human dignity is a subject presented by Hannah Arendt through all long her thought work. From the emergency of totalitarian government, because of which she becomes a political thinker, Arendt will understand that despite the universality that occidental tradition establishes to human dignity, it just come to be real, only rises to effectiveness and protects the respect to individuals, when they are part of a community for which they share responsibility. According to Arendt’s thought totalitarian governments represented a real break with the thought tradition and the values system of the occident. Through the total control of human behavior the Nazi and Stalinist governments could dissolve the limits between public and private spheres, between the State and the masses groups, between power and violence, between politics and administration of human life, thereby, it was forged a world in which the meaning of human actions became to be related to finalities directed to biological or social progress of the historical process of human kind. In this world the human dignity principle may be replaced by a massive disposability of human beings, under a supposed legitimacy. In this dissertation will be presented the relations established by Arendt between this phenomenon and the instability into the own structure of Nation-State, exacerbated by capitalism, and also the limits that the own thought tradition presents on the comprehension of the gravity of such event, it’s real impact over the human beings exposed to annihilation, and the danger that represents the new forms of domination through it developed, not only on the occidental culture but also on the own humanity. Will be here also approached the vita activa’s phenomenology developed by Arendt, according to which the natality – the permanent possibility of emergency... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)