This study is a conceptual analysis of power-sharing. It applies power-sharing in the context of Mozambique. The study is informed on the premise that components of power sharing contribute to the duration of peace. However, findings from empirical investigations show that certain types of power sharing are associated with more durable peace than others, primarily through their positive effects on governance and public service delivery. The specific objectives of the study were to contextualize the concept of military power sharing arrangement; to explore the challenges faced in implementing the military power sharing arrangement in Mozambique; to explore the strategies used to manage the Mozambique peace process; to ascertain the challenges faced by the BDF during the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO forces; and to propose recommendations for future interventions. In order to achieve these objectives, the study used a purposive sampling technique to assemble participants that provided useful data for the study. The target population was made up of members of the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) who participated in the United Nations Peace Mission in Mozambique dubbed UNOMOZ; and those who conducted the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO military personnel Thematic analysis of the participants’ responses from the interviews was used to address the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that poorly trained military personnel were a challenge to the implementation of power sharing deal in Mozambique. Also, there was a lack of trust and confidence between constituent parties, and a lack of transitional authority in holding forth power until the power sharing deal was fully implemented. In addition, the study found out that there was the problem of language barrier, and that very little counselling was offered to those who were traumatized by the conflict. Also, there was a kind of unwillingness by civilians to accept former combatants in their midst and a lack of logistics for both the peace keepers and the combatants. Among others, the study recommended that NGOs, civil society organizations, and churches should be more pro-active in engaging the government and not only ensuring that every party involved in the power-sharing deal fulfills its role, but also organizing and carrying out counselling sessions for ex-combatants as part of reintegration process.

This thesis is an examination of the Russian Armed Forces from the time of Peter the Great in the eighteenth century to the Red Army of the present.

No description available.

The thesis attempts to account for the social and political conditions which precipitated the military coup d'etat in 1967 in Greece. Part I focuses on the Hellenic Armed Forces as a power centre in the Greek political system erected on the ruins of the civil war (1946 - 1949 ). The roots of the Army's political role are traced back to the circumstances which gave rise to the civil war and the country's dependence on foreign powers. The nature of the Greek military's dependence on foreign powers is also brought into perspective. A p.rticu1ar chapter is devoted to the discussion of the sources of the Army's economic and social power as well as describing the socio-political and professional portrait of the Greek officer cotps and their politics. Part II deals with the complex relationships between the principal state institutions, the Monarchy, Parliament and the Armed Forces. Their individual strengths and weaknesses, and conflicts between them, are analysed in conjunction with the various pressures and influences exerted upon them from within and without. Part 111 studies the impact of a certain model of capitalist development on the socio-political changes which occurred in Greece in the post civil-war era (1950-1967). The form of state and the resultant political divisions, and their r1ationshi p to the social and political movements of the period are also examined in some detail. The conditions of the regime's stability and change are linked to the country's 'political institutions by applying the concepts of political mobilisation, political participation, political integration and institutionalisation.Part IV emines the crisis of the post civil-war state in Greece and attempts to cast light on the important political changes in the period 1963-1967 and on the relationship of a deepening and all embracing political crisis to the actual staging of the military coup d'tat of 1967. A necessary chronological account of events is combined with an examination of actual political practices, policies, conduct and tactics applied by the main protagonistic political forces. Finally, a concluding chapter focuses specifically on various theoretical approaches and interpretations of the role of the Hellenic Armed Forces in Greek politics over the period concerned and their ultimate intervention. The substantive conclusions of the thesis are placed into the context of a theoretical discussion which attempts to account for the post-war rise of military and authoritatian regimes in peripheral and semiperipheral capitalist societies

No description available.

No description available.

Growing world-wide commitments and potential naval threats in the future will challenge the U.S. maritime forces to become more integrated and interoperable. The Total Fleet Concept calls for a maritime force for the nation that essentially combines the assets and unique capabilities of each maritime agency available to the U.S. government and forms a scalable force that can be employed around the globe to accomplish missions in the national interest. The U.S. Navy is the preeminent maritime power in the world. However, it has concentrated almost exclusively on maintaining its capability at the Blue-water level of operations. In light of the emerging asymmetrical threat from non-peer competitor forces, the Navy has embarked on a stated program of building up its littoral and lowlevel regional capability in order to engage these adversaries in their own environment. This thesis studies the Navy's budget requests of the Future Years Defense Program. It also examines whether these budget requests and the long-range 30-year shipbuilding plan is leading to the transformational Fleet that is envisioned by the Total Fleet Concept, or is a continuation of the predominantly Blue-water operations focused Fleet and the assets that accompany that strategy. / US Navy (USN) author.

This thesis describes the evolution of the defense budget process in Ukraine, from independence to 2006. It identifies and evaluates factors that directly affected the development of the defense budget process and determined the distribution of power in that process and examines the efficiency of defense budgets as policy tools. This study contributes towards an understanding of the relative power of the executive versus the legislative branch in shaping defense policy. It concludes that important but limited progress has occurred in the defense budget realm in Ukraine since independence. The absence of a clear political guidance, deficiencies of defense legislation, and insufficient levels of co-operation between the executive and the legislative branch of the government are key problems involved in defense budgeting and reform in Ukraine. Certain improvements and overall intensification of efforts occurred as a result of the NATO-Ukraine Action Plan in 2002. Actions undertaken by the Ukrainian government during the period from 2002 to the beginning of 2006, including the introduction of the law On Organization of the Defense Planning in 2004, had a minimal impact because of insufficient interest at the legislative level.

This study analyzes the responses of enlisted reserve personnel to the 2000-2001 Navy Reserve Career Decision Survey using multivariate logistic regression. Enlisted Naval Reservists' retirement intentions are assessed with respect to the effect of demographic and military background characteristics, unit-type, and reserve experiences. Among the reserve experience variables, perceptions about the importance of training, accomplishment recognition, family impact, civilian job impact, education benefits, leadership, career development, personal meaning, and time spent working in a primary designator are all significant influences on career plans. Marital status, pay grade, time in the Selected Reserves, and prior duty status are also significant predictors. While unit type and rating variables are not individually significant, each group of variables is jointly significant. Marital status, pay grade, time in service, and reserve experience variables have the greatest effects on a respondent's intent to stay to retirement and should be considered when evaluating and creating retention policies and/or programs for the Naval Reserve organization. It is recommended that follow-on studies be conducted to compare the 2005 responses with the 2000-2001 responses to the Reserve Career Decision Survey to provide a better understanding of enlisted reserve retirement intentions in the 9/11 military environment.

The problem with which this investigation is concerned addresses the question of the proper role of the Armed Forces of the Soviet Union in the Soviet state. The political leadership has two alternatives in seeking a remedy to this civil-military question. They may either control the military establishment by granting strict professional autonomy or by integrating the armed forces into the civil structure.