This thesis is focused on the international arms trade -- its theoretical and practical aspects. The first part deals with methods and definitions. Some problems relating to the terminology are also mentioned. Other chapters include trends in armament, legislation concerning the arms trade and the impacts of its regulation. This study also includes the analysis of the biggest arms suppliers and importers in term of particural countries.

The foreign policy of Sweden is based on peace, security, human rights and democracy. In the documents of the foreign policy, the government writes: The purpose of the foreign policy of Sweden is to create security in our country, and in the world. There is no security without democracy, and there is no democracy without human rights and Sweden has to protect and defend these values. Along with these values, Sweden is the 15th biggest arms trader in the world (2015-2020) and has the highest exportation of arms per capita in the world. Many of these exportations also go to non-democratic states.  The purpose of this study is to provide knowledge about why Sweden acts different when it comes to arms trade towards non-democratic states. The research being conducted is a case study of Sweden’s arms trade to Turkey and the United Arab Emirates and why Sweden acts different in the two cases. Sweden stopped the arms trade to Turkey in 2019 due to the lack of democracy and the violations of human rights, but continues to export arms to the United Arab Emirates. Furthermore the study will be using Kjell Goldmann’s theories regarding real idea politics to explain why Sweden acts different in the two situations. The methods that are used in this study are text analysis and case study. The material has been analyzed on the basis of real and idea politics. The main sources are IPSs’ reports, the laws, government documents and parliament document.  The conclusion of the study is that Sweden still exports arms to United Arab Emirates because they still export on old treaty and no new treaty has been issued since 2017. Furthermore, the cases are a combination of the theory’s, but one of them is more prominent in the different cases. Sweden’s actions to stop arms trade to Turkey is an example of when idea politics is more prominent and Sweden’s actions to continue arms trade to United Arab Emirates is an example of when real politics is more prominent.

This thesis deals with the topic of international arms trade. More particularly, it deals with the arms trade in three chosen countries - the United States, Sweden and Russia. In general, this work brings coherent data and analyzes the arms trade issue, especially in the countries chosen for this academic work. The aim is to present arms trade problematics of these three countries to the reader as well as to bring the valuable analyzes on the chosen topic and finally to compare the case countries in order to find the differences and common characteristics. The main goal of this thesis is to find the answers on the research questions. The two most important research questions are: What are the current trends and future of the international arms trade in the U.S., Sweden and Russia? How does the arms trade differ in these countries? The first research question is focused on present and future development of arms trade, on the other hand second one gives partially comparative nature to the thesis. The thesis is based on comparative case study method. Through the deep examination of this three case countries the work comes to the answers designed in the research questions. Thesis concludes the raising importance of the arms trade as the instrument of influence. In addition, growing of volume of arms...

This thesis explores how the newly adopted Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), the first internationaltreaty to regulate the trade in conventional arms, can address the issue of the illegal andirresponsible proliferation of small arms and lights weapons (SALW) and improve peace andsecurity. By far the most commonly used weapons in modern conflicts, SALW and theireffects mainly on intrastate conflicts, I argue, are the most important issues for the ATT toaddress. Being one of the prime sources of fuel for, and even cause of, the new trend ofincreasingly deadly and destructive intrastate conflicts today, controlling the largely illegaland internationally unregulated SALW market would be a crucial step to improving peaceand security.The thesis uses Security Dilemma theory to describe how arms and their proliferation posethreats to peace and security, while international law and regime theory is used to identifyhow legal action and structures of cooperation (regimes) can offer solutions to theseproblems. To determine to what extent the ATT can address these issues, the thesis uses acase study approach together with a content analysis of the ATT text to identify the relevantlegal provisions and how they can operate in the context of the theoretical framework.The findings of this study suggest that the most important aspect of the ATT is that itimposes prohibitions on any arms transfer that risks being used to commit acts of genocide,human rights abuses and other violations of international law, or that risk leading todiversion. These provisions could be used to stop the irresponsible kinds of arms transfersthat facilitate these crimes. The effects of the ATT are however largely dependent on the willof states, which will determine the effectiveness of the treaty. Nonetheless, as this thesisshows, the ATT provides tools and a legal platform that could, if utilized, have a substantialimpact on these issues.

The history of Czechoslovakia and his position played a key role in developement of weapon industry in the interwar period. Arms industry in Czechoslovakia in interwar period was represented mainly by Skoda Works Company. The 1930s ment for arms industry economic instability, but on the other hadn, it represented new opportunities as well. Weapon industry was strongly influenced by condition of economy of theirs business partnes from Little Entente and by political situation in neighboring countries. Business plans of Skoda Works company were lagrely influenced by czechoslovak gowernment. Gowernment of Czechoslovakia was using its economic policy as a part of its foreing affairs policy to strenghten role of Czechoslovakia as a leader of Little Entente. On the contrary, Skoda Works were using czechoslovak foreing policy for their own economic expansion to foreing markets.

The Master's thesis deals with the issues of the arms trade between Mexico and USA, focusing on the arms trafficking. The first chapter introduces the topic in general and analyzes the current situation of the world market in small arms and light weapons. The second and third chapter describe the characteristics of arms trade and its legislative framework in both countries - USA, Mexico - define local specifics and identify main trading partners. Bilateral trade in SALW between USA and Mexico, its process and practice how the trading takes place, is described in fourth chapter. The impact of arms trade on both countries is defined in the fifth chapter together with designed proposals to help to restrict illegal arms trafficking between partners and to reduce its negative impacts.

Through an examination of the businesses and people that support war-making, collectively known as the defense and security industry, this thesis reveals the controlling processes at work that make the business of war palatable to those who work within the industry. Three controlling processes are examined: (1) The industry’s culturally specific language; a barrier built with syntax, preventing both entry from outsiders and exit by insiders, allowing for institutionalized insanity to set in while also legitimizing the business pursuits of these companies as normal and acceptable; (2) The scientific pursuit and technology itself, supported and maintained by the exalted position the pursuit of science holds in Western society, and the assumption that technological innovation is always an intellectual and noble pursuit, which is critical to the industry’s survival; (3) The ideologies of Western liberal democracy that buttresses the industry; defined primarily by insecurity, assumed moral authority, and neoliberal capitalism/short-term self-interest. The terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001 served as a springboard for the industry to imbed itself into domestic settings, and carry-out acts of war in faraway countries without the consent of the people, thereby threatening the democratic ideals it claims to protect.

This thesis analyzes how Sweden is acting against their Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) in relation to their firearms exports to Saudi Arabia. There is plenty of previous research on FFP along with the arms trade with Saudi Arabia. Through this, feminist theory is applied to the FFP and the trade relation, with the purpose of attempting to uncover how Sweden’s actions are contradictory to their FFP. Therefore, in order to address how their actions are contradictory, the research question of this thesis is: How is Sweden acting against their FFP? This thesis utilizes a Qualitative Content Analysis to selected empirical material, news websites and international organization websites. As a result based on this analysis, Sweden acts against their FFP because they export firearms to Saudi Arabia, who violates human rights and oppresses women, and supplying a country like that with firearms legitimizes their violating and oppressing actions.

Major changes have occurred within the Swedish War Materiel Industry over the past decade. Sweden has transformed from being a truly neutral country, with uniquely restrictive war materiel exportation laws and policies, into being one of the ten largest exporters of war materiel in the world. Most of the manufactured war materiel in Sweden is now used for export. An increasing trend of export has made the Swedish War Materiel Trade Industry flourish. On the front stage, towards the public, Sweden is upholding its image of being a neutral country. Its doctrine is the same as it has been since the beginning of the 1990s: that Sweden has restrictive arms trade politics. It is true that Sweden has strict laws and guidelines concerning war material trade; according to these, export of war materiel is not allowed to countries where extensive human rights violations occur. Neither is it allowed to countries in armed conflict, where there is a fear that an armed conflict will occur nor to a State with domestic armed disturbances/conflicts. Also, Swedish war materiel trade should never be in conflict with its foreign policy goals, which are enhancing Sweden’s contribution to freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and sustainable development in the world. Despite this, Swedish war materiel export has now reached the highest amount in Swedish history. Backstage, the view of export has changed and an export-oriented custom has taken hold. In the 1990s, Swedish war materiel production increased with an average of 5.5 percent every year. But over the past 4 years, the trend has increased drastically, especially due to the Iraq War. Since it broke out, the total export of war materiel has almost doubled. In 2006 it exceeded ten billion SEK, which means that during the past ten years, the Swedish arms trade industry has more than tripled – from three billion SEK per year to over ten billion SEK. Not only has Sweden increased its export of war materiel to the USA - in times of war - but also to countries where extensive violations of human rights occurs, for example India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand and Bahrain. The front stage behaviour and the backstage action contradict each other. There is a difference in rhetoric and practice. It is a paradox to appear neutral front stage when exporting war materiel to ‘critical States’ backstage. Somehow Sweden has come to facilitate a climate that allows this to happen. / I takt med att Sveriges export av krigsmateriel blir allt mindre restriktiv blir den också mer exportorienterad. Sverige är idag en av världens tionde största vapenexportörer. Förra året exporterades krigsmateriel för över tio miljarder kronor. Det är den största summan i Sveriges historia. Sveriges största krigsmaterielimportör är USA. Sedan Irakkriget bröt ut i Mars 2003, har Sveriges export av krigsmateriel till USA ökat markant. Sverige exporterar idag också krigsmateriel till ett flertal länder där grava kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter förekommer, trots dess väldigt restriktiva lagar och riktlinjer på detta område. Denna studie har avsikten att kasta ljus över Sveriges export av krigsmateriel; den belyser hur Sverige försöker upprätthålla sin fasad som ett neutralt land medan det bakom kulisserna paradoxalt nog exporteras mer och mer krigsmateriel till kritiska stater; helt i strid med dess lagar och riktlinjer. Genom att fokusera på händelseutvecklingen sedan Inspektionen för Strategiska Produkter bildades 1996 samt på vad denna nya myndighet har inneburit för Svensk Krigsmateriel Industri dras slutsatser om hur denna paradox kan fortlöpa. Detta är särskilt intressant eftersom Sverige idag står inför ett vägval då beslut kommer tas gällande nya riktlinjer för Sveriges vapenexport.

Yes / This paper examines arms trade regulation in the late 19th century and contributes to the literature on norms, arms regulation, humanitarian arms control and arms control as governmentality. I begin by examining the 1890 Brussels Act as an example of the first ‘Matryoshka doll’ of arms trade governance, a specific humanitarian initiative focused on regulating a particular class of weapons in a specified area. I suggest the Act represented an attempt to graft a regulatory arms trade norm onto an established anti-slavery norm and that it was more extensively implemented than has been recognised. I then locate the Act within the second Matryoshka doll of arms trade governance, the broader approach to prohibition operating in the era. In contrast to representations of the period as one of free trade in arms I demonstrate the extensive efforts to restrict the transfer of firearms to colonial subjects. Finally, I demonstrate how mechanisms of prohibition and permission constituted the practices of arms control as governmentality – the third matryoshka doll - where the concern was to define and manage which gradations of people could legitimately own, trade and use which gradations of weapons in what contexts. Overall, the paper challenges the optimistic assumptions in much of the literature on humanitarian arms control and arms trade norms. Instead, I suggest the merger of humanitarianism and arms control can reflect the influence of both good and bad norms; is not necessarily incompatible with colonialism, racism or imperial violence and can be congruent with liberal militarism. / Research Development Fund Publication Prize Award winner.