Les phlébovirus présentent sont présents dans toutes les régions du globe. Certains phlébovirus transmis par phlébotomes provoquent une maladie fébrile et des infections du système nerveux central. Depuis, de plus en plus de données montrent que la péninsule des Balkans joue un rôle majeur dans l'émergence de maladies à transmission vectorielle. Au début de ce travail, on comptait un nombre très limité de phlébovirus identifiés et isolés dans cette région. Une étude intégrée et transdisciplinaire en vue d'un inventaire des virus circulant dans pays des Balkans. (i) Un total de 3,850 phlébotomes sont été recueillis dans sept pays des Balkans en 2014 et 2015. Ils ont été testés pour la présence d'ARN viral et inoculé sur des cellules VERO afin d'isoler le virus détecté; (ii) des études de séroprévalence utilisant des tests de neutralisation ont été effectuées sur des échantillons de bovins et de moutons pour évaluer à deux agents pathogènes humains : le virus Toscana (TOSV) et le virus Sandfly fever Sicilian virus (SFSV). Nos résultats se composent de (i) la découverte et le séquençage de 3 nouveaux phlébovirus appartenant à 2 espèces différentes, (ii) la première identification du genotype B de TOSV en Croatie, (iii) la preuve de la co-circulation de deux genotypes (B et C) de TOSV, (iv) des taux d'anticorps neutralisants qui sont beaucoup plus élevés chez les bovins et les moutons pour le SFSV que pour TOSV. En conclusion, les résultats obtenus au cours de ce travail démontrent qu’es les Balkans représentent une zone de très importante activité pour les phlebovirus et donc mérite une surveillance particulière à cause du risque d’émergence et de dissémination. / Phleboviruses have a worldwide distribution. In the areas where sand flies are present, some of the sandfly-borne phleboviruses cause febrile illness and central nervous system infections. Sandfly fever was first reported in the Balkan Peninsula at the end of the 19th century. Since there is accumulating data showing that the Balkan peninsula plays a major role in the emergence of vector-borne diseases. At the outset of this work, a very limited number of phleboviruses had been identified and isolated in this region. To fill this gap, an integrated and transdisciplinary study was designed aiming at an inventory of viruses circulating in Balkans and associated seroprevalence studies using domestic animals: (i) a total of 3,850 sandflies were collected in seven Balkan countries (Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, Republic of Macedonia and Serbia) in 2014 and 2015. They were tested for the presence of viral RNA and inoculated on VERO cell for virus isolation; (ii) seroprevalence studies using neutralisation tests were performed on cattle and sheep samples to assess the level of exposure to two human pathogens, Toscana virus (TOSV) and Sandfly fever Sicilian virus (SFSV). Our results consist of (i) the discovery and sequencing of 3 novel phleboviruses belonging to 2 different species, (ii) the identification for the first time of TOSV lineage B in Croatia, (iii) evidence of co-circulation of two lineages (Lineage B and C) of TOSV, (iv) rates of neutralising antibodies that are much higher in cattle and sheep for SFSV than for TOSV. Together the findings obtained during this work demonstrate that the Balkan area is a hot spot for phleboviruses.

This essay investigates the post-war international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Treaty was welcomed as the first multilateral agreement amongst countries since the end of the cold war, including Russia. The treaty sought not only to end a war but wrote the Bosnian constitution. We see examples of state-building through international intervention in other parts of the world post-9/11 (Afghanistan, Iraq). The state-building actions in Bosnia was the first multilateral action after the cold-war it is therefore interesting to research the measures that were taken and to follow-up and investigate if it was a success or a failure. Bosnia today is falling behind other neighboring countries,  economically and democratically speaking. Neighboring Croatia has just recently become a new member state of the EU, many scholars along with member states of EU and the International Community agree that Bosnia should aim to reach the same goal as Croatia in order to ensure political and economical stability. However there seems to be conflicting agendas between the International Community and the local politicians. The essay will focus on the effects of the international intervention through state-building operations in Bosnia and how the international community took upon itself a major responsibility and the results of those efforts till today.

Different cultures have legends which affect the people and societies in which these legends are traded. Most legends are ecotypified, but some legends can survive even when those who tell them move. The aim of this study is to identify some characteristic features of the legend tradition within the Bosnian diaspora in Sweden, and to identify which type of legends that live on in the Swedish environment. The study is conducted as an interview study and the results analyzed with a hermeneutic approach. The study identifies five different types of legends that are categorized into three different categories: erotic, trauma and fear. The results show a fear among the respondents that if the legends disappear, a loss of part of their Bosnian identity will follow. The conclusion show that the category of fear lives on in the Bosnian diaspora, whilst legends building on trauma and eroticism are at risk of disappearing in a Swedish environment.

This thesis concentrates on the role of the European Union as a state-building power. It scrutinizes EU foreign policy in terms of state-building phenomena in three selected areas: Western Balkans, Eastern Partnership, and Southern Neighbourhood. First, it presents the EU as an increasingly powerful international actor and a normative power. Then, it overviews the existing literature on state-building with a special focus on Francis Fukuyama's neoliberal approach and David Chandler's critical remarks. The thesis is methodologically grounded in the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), specifically the four-value fuzzy set QCA, which enables to bridge the quantitative and qualitative approaches. The analysis operates with 23 cases (countries) and five variables in order to assess the EU state-building practices in relation to the targeted states' resilience. Drawing on the moderate generalizations from QCA results, the thesis concludes that the EU is, indeed, a state-building power which strengthens the resilience of states through its state-building practices.

The thesis seeks to examine the underlying motivations behind the conclusion of the Stability and Association Agreement between European Union and Kosovo on the 27th of October 2015. To determine the role of material interests and shared ideas in the process of concluding the SAA the thesis discusses and applies rationalism and constructivism, both grand theories of international relations. To test the theories and their respective hypotheses identifying the role of the relevant concepts, the research employs a single case study method, using a congruence analysis approach. In conclusion, through the rationalist lens within the perspective of the EU, the thesis confirms the existence of material interest in the conclusion of the SAA, representing security, power and economic gains. To complement the analysis via a constructivist lens within the perspective of Kosovo, the thesis solely implies a limited role of identity and norms while it points out that such constructivist concepts rather impeded the reaching of the SAA, veiling the actual role of material interest.

The thesis aims to unravel the relationship between the EU's enlargement strategies and democratization in the Western Balkan countries by looking on the impact of the strategies on changing democracy levels in two empirical cases: the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia. Over more than a decade, the effect of the conditionality tool on democratization has been curbed by an insufficient emphasis placed on pro-democratic reforms and by the role of security concerns which were often prioritized over aims directly linked to democracy promotion. Grounded in the conflicting objectives theory, the thesis demonstrates that the recently employed strategy appropriately sequencing goals while prioritizing democratic transition over security concerns is more effective in inflicting domestic democratic change. Subsequently, the following necessary and sufficient conditions for a successful sequencing strategy were defined: strong emphasis on democracy-related goals combined with clearly outlined temporal perspective, and corresponding action of international actors.

Doctoral thesis Regional Transition - From Conflict to Cooperation examines the transformation of world regions from non-cooperative to. It brings reconceptualization of the peaceful change, which it understands as a continuum - negative peace, positive peace, and security community. This understanding builds on the existing literature on peaceful change, yet the conceptualization of the stages is innovated. The main goal of this dissertation is to capture the dynamic process of transition from negative to positive peace, and from positive peace to the security community. It uses findings from the literature on peaceful changes and trust-building to build two comprehensive mechanisms of transition that are subsequently traced with the method of process-tracing in two cases of the region for each type of transition. The focus is on the entities and activities producing the qualitative change in the regional relations. For the transition from negative to positive peace, Western Balkans in the period from 1999 to 2011, and Southeast Asia from 1966 to 2003 are chosen. For the transition from positive peace to the security community, Western Europe (1957-2004) and North America (1940s- 2011) are chosen.

The objective of this study is to assess the growing role of Special Forces in modern warfare, with specific reference to the United States of America. The main question that the study seeks to address is what are the implications of the growing role of Special Forces in modern warfare? The study also seeks to ascertain why exactly this growth is occurring and whether or not this will have a bearing on the future of not only the manner in which the US conducts conflict but also global conflict as a whole. In order to address these issues the study will look at conventional and unconventional warfare and forces; the roles and missions of Special Forces and the composition of US Special Forces; the role of US Special Forces in modern warfare prior to the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks; and the role of the US Special Forces in the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. An analysis of conventional and unconventional warfare as concepts, as well as the forces that constitute conventional and unconventional forces was first done in order to provide some perspective into what these concepts and forces are and more specifically, what differentiates them. Specific reference was made here to the United States’ approach to warfare from the days of the American Revolution up to and including the end of the Cold War. Emphasis is placed on the growing role of US Special Forces throughout the study and this is achieved through the use of four major case studies, namely the 1991 Gulf War; Somalia (1992-1993); the Balkans (1995-2001); and the 2001 ‘Special Forces war’ in Afghanistan. The case studies that dealt with the 1991 Gulf War, Somalia and the Balkans elucidated the growing role of both unconventional warfare and specifically US Special Forces and Special Mission Units since the end of the Cold War. The case study of the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan provided the culmination of the shift from conventional to unconventional warfare and the execution of the campaign as a ‘Special Forces war.’ The study demonstrates that since the end of the Cold War in the 1990’s, unconventional warfare has increasingly become more ubiquitous and can be said to be replacing, or at least equalling in stature, conventional warfare. This has the possibility of dramatically affecting how warfare is executed both currently and more importantly, in the future. The study went on to show that unconventional warfare is not akin to conventional warfare, especially with regard to the forces needed to respond to such conflicts and that Special Forces are the forces most applicable and most effective in dealing with unconventional warfare. The study confirms that Special Forces are the solution to the growing prominence of unconventional warfare and that countries, and specifically the United States can more effectively counter the threat of unconventional warfare and unconventional forces by shifting Special Forces from a supporting component to conventional forces to a supported component. This would require a massive shift in alignment both for the United States as well as other major states’ militaries but as the study has shown, this is pertinent given that unconventional warfare and forces will most likely remain the primary threat that states and militaries will now face / Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The presented thesis is analyzing the regional cooperation in the Western Balkans (WB) focusing on interactions of local actors. Theoretical background is based on the new regionalism, a theoretical approach to regional interactions. Contemporary studies on New Regionalism (NR) actually do not consider the Western Balkans to be part of this process and as a result we lack sufficient information about the basic characteristics of this region. The author proves that the WB is engaged in the process of the new regionalism and in fact by focusing on the institutional structure he demonstrates that several parallel processes are ongoing in the region as for example regional cooperation, integration or cooperation with another region. For the purpose of this research two projects of regional cooperation were chosen, South Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP) and the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) which are regarded as the main pillars of the political cooperation in the WB. By examining their structure we may understand the relevance of the region as an independent actor and the general aims of the regional cooperation.

The relations between Croatia and Serbia are determining for regional peace and stability and for the course of the EU enlargement in the Western Balkans. The Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance (IPA) is the funding mechanism designed for the implementation of the EU's enlargement policy in the Western Balkans. This research investigates the extent to which IPA has integrated to the local cross- border initiatives in culture and youth and has fostered social reconstruction between Croats and Serbs in Slavonia (Croatia) and Vojvodina (Serbia). Co-operation in the cultural sector is an important element of social reconstruction, as it favours contacts and the erosion of antagonistic prejudices against the other ethnic group. The objective of this research is defined as two-fold, firstly to test a model of cross-border co-operation devised from EU integration theories and, secondly to provide an accurate picture of the cross-border initiatives in Slavonia and Vojvodina based on ground-level experience. The analysis of the data collected shows mixed results. On one hand IPA has integrated successfully into the landscape of local cross-border initiatives by stimulating socialisation between civil society organisations. IPA has also increased local ownership of cross-border co-operation amongst the...