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31	A construção do inimigo nos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos do pós-Guerra Fria Leite, Lucas Amaral Batista [UNESP] 07 February 2013 (has links) (PDF) Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-02-07Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:17:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 leite_lab_me_mar.pdf: 608719 bytes, checksum: 8c27df7689bda7303a0bfbc2f8485bd7 (MD5) / Este trabalho busca compreender a evolução da narrativa do inimigo por meio da análise dos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos como o State of the Union – e outros selecionados tematicamente – entre os anos de 1989 e 2009, correspondentes aos governos de George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton e George W. Bush. Para tanto, usaremos das proposições teóricas de autores pós-estruturalistas como David Campbell e Robert Walker, além de utilizar a estrutura de pesquisa proposta por Lene Hansen. Junto à análise discursiva, abordaremos as principais questões de Segurança no período proposto como forma de alusão às representações do inimigo e de forma a enriquecer o trabalho. Nossa hipótese é a de que a mudança, por vezes proposta expressamente por alguns presidentes e autores de estudos sobre os Estados Unidos, é na verdade uma adaptação de discursos recorrentes na condução da política norteamericana. Dessa forma, buscaremos analisar quais os elementos centrais e dissonantes para o período em questão. / This work seeks to comprehend the evolution of the narrative of the enemy through the analysis of American presidential speeches such as the State of the Union – and other selected thematically – between the years of 1989 and 2009, corresponding to the governments of George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. For this, we use the theoretical propositions of poststructuralist authors as David Campbell and Robert Walker, and also the analytical structure proposed by Lene Hansen. Along the discursive analysis, we discuss the main security issues of the period proposed as a way of alluding to the representations of the enemy, in order to enrich the work. Our hypothesis is that change, sometimes explicitly proposed by some presidents and authors of studies on the United States, is actually an adaptation of recurrent speeches in the conduct of U.S. policy. Thus, we try to analyze the core and discordant elements for the period in question. Bush, George W, 1946- Bill, Clinton, 1946- American presidential speeches Iraque, Guerra do, 2003 Relações internacionais - linguagem Discursos, alocuções, etc Pós-estruturalismo Guerra contra o terrorismo, 2001
32	The Man Who Disappeared Nealon, Brian J. 19 August 2004 (has links) No description available. Literature, English fiction stories Dayton, Ohio Santiago, Chile Sarajevo Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic Warren Christopher Augusto Pinochet Bill Clinton Bruce Willis Wright-Patterson Wright Brothers stealth bomber B-2 cruise missile realpolitik
33	Crusade for freedom? Walker, Michael January 2008 (has links) Presidents of the United States and other American policymakers have throughout history cited democracy promotion as one of the chief goals of American foreign policy, and the current administration of George W. Bush has been no exception. However, and notwithstanding the habitual endorsement of this objective by US administrations, the subject of democracy promotion has received relatively little academic attention. This study aims to correct this gap in the literature by considering two questions relating to United States democracy promotion. First, have the efforts of the US to spread democracy to other countries met with success? Second, is promoting democracy truly a priority of American policymakers, or is it rather window dressing cynically aimed at winning public and congressional support for foreign policy? I begin by defining the terms democracy and democracy promotion. I then use three recent case studies to answer the two questions outlined above, the first of which focuses on President Reagan’s policy towards Nicaragua. In the second case study I consider President Clinton’s policy towards Haiti, while the third deals with President George W. Bush’s policy towards Colombia. The evidence I present points to the conclusion that the United States has not been successful in its efforts to promote democracy in other countries, and that spreading democracy abroad is at best a secondary goal of American foreign policy. The evidence presented in the thesis also demonstrates the utility of foreign policy analysis-based approaches to the study of international relations.
34	Blurred (County) Lines: A Comprehensive Analysis of Voting Patterns in Florida at the County and Regional Levels from 1950 to 2012 Yeargain, Tyler Q. 01 January 2015 (has links) (PDF) Over the last sixty years, voting patterns in the United States have changed dramatically, and this is especially true in the state of Florida. Though there is some literature in the field of political science that outlines the voting and election history of Florida and identifies some trends, this literature is extremely limited and is not comprehensive of the data that is available up to the present day. This study seeks to find Florida’s voting patterns and to explain how they can be understood by both the casual observer and the political scientist. To do so, unique methodology was applied that used the "relative margin" of both a county and a region in a particular election to give the Democratic nominee’s performance context both in the election in question and in history, by comparing the actual margin of victory or defeat of the Democratic nominee to the statewide margin of victory or defeat. This was an illuminating process that ultimately revealed some truths about the election history of Florida: the counties and regions most likely to vote for Democratic nominees in the 1950s and early 1960 are now among the least likely to do so, and the counties and regions most likely to vote for Republican nominees in the 1950s and early 1960s are now considered to be "swing" or "tossup" areas that are regularly and alternatively won by Democratic and Republican nominees. Additionally, the pattern of each region in how it voted in presidential elections was compared to forty seven other states in the country to provide further context as to how the election patterns can be understood in context. Al Gore Alex Sink Barack Obama Bill Clinton Bob Graham Charlie Crist Claude Kirk County Dwight Eisenhower Elections Florida George Bush George Smathers George W. Bush Governor Jeb Bush Jimmy Carter John F. Kennedy John Kerry Lawton Chiles Lyndon B. Johnson Marco Rubio Midterm Politics President Reubin Askew Richard Nixon Rick Scott Ronald Reagan Senator Voting
35	The best sin to commit : a theological strategy of Niebuhrian classical realism to challenge the Religious Right and neoconservative advancement of manifest destiny in American foreign policy Cowan, David Fraser January 2013 (has links) While few would deny America is the most powerful nation on earth, there is considerable debate, and controversy, over how America uses its foreign policy power. This is even truer since the “unipolar moment,” when America gained sole superpower status with the end of the Soviet Union and the Cold War. In the Cold War Reinhold Niebuhr was the main theological voice speaking to American power. In the Unipolar world, the Religious right emerged as the main theological voice, but instead of seeking to curb American power the Religious right embraced Neoconservatism in what I will call “Totemic Conservatism” to support use of America's power in the world and to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy, which is the notion that America is a chosen nation, and this legitimizes its use of power and underpins its moral claims. I critique the Niebuhrian and Religious right legacies, and offer a classical realist strategy for theology to speak to America power and foreign policy, which avoids the neoconservative and religious conservative error of totemism, while avoiding the jettisoning of Niebuhr's theology by political liberals, and, the political ghettoizing of theology by his chief critics. This strategy is based on embracing the understanding of classical realism, but not taking the next step, which both Niebuhr and neoconservativism ultimately do, of moving from a prescriptive to a predictive strategy for American foreign policy. In this thesis, I argue that in the wake of the unipolar moment the embrace of the Religious right of Neoconservatism to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy is a problematic commingling of faith and politics, and what is needed instead is a strategy of speaking to power rooted in classical realism but one which refines Niebuhrian realism to avoid the risk of progressing a Constantinian theology. 327.73

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