Orientador: Kanavillil Rajagopalan / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T05:00:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Muniz_Kassandra_D.pdf: 1332593 bytes, checksum: 3634791648d14747b489209ad9d48a69 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Nesta tese, defendemos que a noção de raça foi ressignificada positivamente para atender às reivindicações do povo negro, uma vez que no contexto sócio-político atual do Brasil, é impossível dissociar as políticas públicas das políticas de identidades. Neste sentido, a polarização entre brancos e negros constituiu e constitui até hoje a grande estratégia do movimento social negro para adquirir uma força política que até então estava diluída no discurso da miscigenação, e mascarada pelo mito da democracia racial. A "essencialização" da identidade negra foi e ainda é um trunfo lingüístico e político importante para adquirir direitos negligenciados historicamente. A fim de verificar como a linguagem é primordial para se saber quem pode ser beneficiado pela reserva de vagas, modalidade de ação afirmativa privilegiada por esta pesquisa, foram analisados os documentos e resoluções de 4 universidades, a saber UNEB, UFBA, UERJ e UNB. A flutuação lingüística encontrada nestes documentos revelou que também as universidades encontram dificuldades para definir, ou melhor, delimitar as possibilidades de existências negras no Brasil. À indagação de alguns pesquisadores, geralmente contra essas ações, sobre o fato de que temos hoje muito mais pessoas se identificando como negras, uma das respostas a que esta pesquisa chegou é que o processo de identificação é estratégico. / Abstract: In this dissertation, we argue that the notion of race has been positively resignified to meet claims of black people, once in the current Brazilian social and political contexts, it is impossible to detach public politics from identity politics. In this sense, the divide between whites and blacks has been the major strategy of black social movement so as to acquire the political force that had been blurred with the discourse of miscegenation, and disguised under the racial democracy myth. The "essencialization" of black identity stands out as an important linguistic and political trump to acquire historically neglected rights. In order to verify how language is fundamental in the identification of those who should be eligible for undergraduate positions under the race criterion, an affirmative action that is our target here, we analyzed the documents and decisions of four Brazilian universities, the Federal Universities of Bahia and Brasília, and the state universities of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro. The linguistic fluctuation evidenced in such documents demonstrates that the universities themselves face difficulties to define or delimitate the boundaries of black subjectivities in Brazil. To the question that some scholars raise - those who are against affirmative actions - concerning the fact that nowadays many more persons identify themselves as black, one of the responses that this dissertation has formulated is that the process of identification is strategic. / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RUBY ESTHER LEON DIAZ.pdf: 810072 bytes, checksum: aa5ccd5c59d5bb86c66cf908cd91e1dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-28 / The Colombian state, since 1991, proposes to "recognize and protect the ethnic and cultural diversity of the Colombian nation," according to the National Political Constitution (CP-91, art. 7). The reflection that I develop in this thesis seeks to investigate the position that the State, through its policies, has taken in relation to ethnic and cultural diversity" at the time of the state discourse on ethno-racial differences, which took place in Colombia since the 90's. The research focuses on interrogating the discourse on recognition of "ethnic and cultural diversity" in Colombia, built by the Colombian state. In order to reach that goal, I proposed the following path: to identify and analyze how the state formulates its laws and policies designed specifically for black people (including the Law No. 70/1993). The empirical field of research was the "public district policy for the recognition of the cultural diversity and the guarantee of rights for Afro-descendent people or "Public Policy for the Afro-descendent population living in Bogota" - (PPPARB). My analysis departs from the comprehensive sociology perspective, from the questions raised by post-colonial studies on race and ethnicity in Latin America and the look on the practices of intervention. The perspective that I use emphasizes the qualitative nature of this study, whose focus would be on the construction (symbolic, normative) of ethnic and racial difference, its recognition and the political formulation for its intervention. For this research, I used three types of sources: official documents, observations and fieldwork notes, and thirty semi-structured interviews conducted between February and July of 2010. In general, I present the complex way in which discourses and practices underlie the ideal of "recognition" of ethno-racial diversity in Colombia. So that the the dynamics of agreement and disagreement emerging in official discourses of the state are embodied in laws and normativities, and in the interpretations that are made from them in the management of PPPARB by multiple actors involved. / A presente dissertação procura interrogar o posicionamento do Estado através de suas políticas- face à diversidade étnica e cultural nos tempos do discurso estatal sobre as diferenças étnico-raciais, instalado na Colômbia desde os anos 90 s. O Estado colombiano, desde 1991, propõe-se a reconhecer e proteger a diversidade étnica e cultural da nação colombiana , segundo a Constituição Política Nacional (CP-91, art. 7). A pesquisa interrogou o discurso sobre o reconhecimento da diversidade étnica e cultural na Colômbia, construído pelo Estado colombiano. Para tanto, buscou identificar e analisar os delineamentos que o Estado formula em suas leis e políticas especificamente voltadas às pessoas negras (entre elas a lei n° 70/1993). O campo empírico da pesquisa foi a Politica pública distrital para el reconocimiento de la diversidad cultural y la garantia de los derechos de los afrodescendientes ou Política Pública para la Población Afrodescendiente residente en Bogotá -(PPPARB). Minha analise parte da perspectiva da sociologia compreensiva, associada às propostas dos estudos pós-coloniais sobre as questões raciais e étnicas na América Latina. Privilegia o enfoque qualitativo da pesquisa, com foco nas construções (simbólicas, normativas) relativas à diferença étnico-racial, seu reconhecimento e a formulação de políticas para a intervenção. Foram utilizados três tipos de fontes: documentos oficiais, observações e anotações de campo e trinta entrevistas semiestruturadas, realizadas entre fevereiro e julho de 2010. Apresento os discursos e as práticas do Estado colombiano oscilam entre o ideal de reconhecimento da diversidade étnico-racial na Colômbia e a afirmação da homogeneidade da nação colombiana. No caso específico da Política Pública para la Población Afrodescendiente residente en Bogotá sua implementação expressa a ênfase nas ações articuladas a idéias da cidadania democrática em detrimento do respeito à diversidade étnico-racial.

Esta pesquisa se propõe a analisar a revista Semana Illustrada, dirigida pelo prussiano Henrique Fleiuss, com especial atenção para as representações do negro e do tema da escravidão. O periódico circulou no Rio de Janeiro entre 1860 e 1876 e é pioneiro no que se refere ao uso de imagens na imprensa. As novas tecnologias, associadas à demanda por imagens, incitaram o surgimento e posterior consolidação da imprensa ilustrada. A invenção e a popularização da fotografia evidenciavam uma sociedade ávida por imagens e que estava em pleno processo de transformação e elaboração de uma educação visual. Nesta pesquisa, a reflexão sobre as imagens presentes no periódico Semana Illustrada que se referem ao negro e ao escravo tem como objetivo entender a visão que este veículo de comunicação tinha sobre o assunto, como parte das questões cotidianas da sociedade oitocentista do Rio de Janeiro na segunda metade do século XIX. O contexto brasileiro se revela peculiar, uma vez que se tratava de uma sociedade que se pretendia moderna, mas que convivia ainda com grande contingente de mão de obra escrava. Ao estudar essas imagens, descortina-se a cultura visual de um tempo emblemático para o Brasil. / This research aims to analyse the magazine Semana Illustrada, managed by the prussian Henrique Fleiuss, focusing on the representation of black people and slavery. The magazine circulated in Rio de Janeiro between 1860 and 1876 and plays a pioneer role concerning the use of images in the press. The new technologies associated to the demand for images incited the appearing and consolidation of illustrated press. The invention and popularization of photography evinced a society avid for images and in process of transformation and elaboration of a visual education. This research intends to reflect upon the images found in Semana Illustrada that refers to the black people and the slave in order to understand the vision of this vehicle of communication about the subject as part of social life in Rio de Janeiro by the second half of nineteenth century. The brazilian context is peculiar once there was a society pretending to be modern, that nevertheless cohabited with a big contingent of slave work force. Study this images is to discover the visual culture of an emblematic time for Brazil.

O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar a função que teve a Imprensa Negra como instrumento de reinvindicação de direitos e combate à exclusão sócio-político-econômica do negro em São Paulo, numa época de urbanização e crescimento industrial acelerados.Em decorrência das origens dessa exclusão, pretende-se relembrar o papel das Irmandades, Associações e primeiros jornais como focos iniciais de resistência à mesma. No entanto, o período escolhido para a pesquisa é aquele compreendido entre os anos de 1915 e 1937, quando, a par do interesse de congregar os negros através da educação e de outros meios, a Imprensa começa a reinvindicar os direitos que os mesmos deveriam ter como cidadãos integrantes da sociedade paulista e, por extensão, brasileira. A implantação do Estado Novo em 1937 determina o fechamento dos partidos políticos, associações e jornais a eles ligados, razão pela qual a historiografia considera a data como a de decadência dos jornais negros e, portanto, de suas reinvindicações. Tentaremos mostrar, entretanto, como as disputas ideológicas e por poder entre as lideranças, mudando o perfil de atuação dos periódicos, foram decisivos para a decadência do caráter reinvindicatório dos mesmos, tendo se iniciado bem antes do golpe de Getúlio Vargas. / The aim of this master thesis is to show the role of Black Press as instrument of rights claiming and the struggle against social, political e economical exclusion of Brazilian black people in São Paulo in a time of fast urbanization and industrial growth. Considering the origins of that social exclusion, this paper intends to remember the role of Brotherhoods, Associations and former black journals as the initial process for fighting that exclusion. Nevertheless the chosen period for this research is between 1915 and 1937, when, besides the interest in congregating the blacks through education and other means, the Black Press starts claiming the rights that people should have as integrated citizens in São Paulo society and, as a consequence, in Brazilian society. The implementation of Estado Novo in 1937 determines the political parties shut down as well as the associations and journals associated to them, being this event the main reason the Historiography considers that year as the highlight of black journals decadence, so do their claims. However, we will try to demonstrate how the ideological disputes and struggle for power among the leaders, by the acting profile of journals, were crucial for the decadence of journals claiming approach, getting started quite before the Getúlio Vargas coup.

The aim of this thesis is to see how dark skinned people separate in two movies from the early 19th century. I am also going to analyze the movies from analysis questions that can be founded under the chapter called Analys. The movies I have been watching to analyze are The Birth of a Nation from year 1915 and Tarzan the Ape man from year 1932. The first movie from year 1915 is a reflection from 1860 but booth movies are reflections about the relationships between white westerner and black people from Africa in the beginning of the 1900th century. What the movies gave me as a receiver is that black people in the USA and South Africa shouldn’t be active in politics or even get the power to rule at all and it is very clear to see during the movies. According to the movies black people aren’t capable to rule in USA or in their own country in the continent Africa. The movies also show that black people should work with the cleaning and to please white people. I am going to use social representation theory in this thesis. The method that is used here is to watch the movies, write what they are about and then compare them in nine analyzing questions that is presented in the thesis.

Human Security and Police Brutality via the Lens of Critical Race Theory Leah Gideon Kuttu 47472109 'Equality' and 'dignity of persons' are common language in the legal lingo on rights and freedoms of all men. However there seems to exist, a large magnitude in discrepancy with the actuality of these ideals in the way that all people are treated, particularly in this work, in the American society. The death of George Floyd was momentous in refocusing light on the issue of police brutality and seemingly, institutionalized racism in America. That one post showing how Floyd was killed by Police, showed just how much Black America was treated in contrast to the stipulated rights for all persons noted in America's legal apparatus. There began for international security a marked turning point in the pivot with the human being- as opposed to the state- becoming the core object for security and protection. This new turn is pointed to the 1990s in the aftermath of the Cold war. Human-centric occupations in security connote that threats to international security begin with the individual and so the individual must first be prioritized when assessing threats to security in the state and the international system. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR, 1948) is the foremost pillar on which human security is...

While the literature on Black-white differences in major depressive disorder (MDD) and depressive symptoms is robust, less robust is the literature on how these outcomes are patterned within the US Black population and why differences exist. Given increasing numbers of first-generation immigrants from the Caribbean, sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, among other regions of the world, as well as increasing numbers of second- and third-generation immigrants, continued aggregation has the potential to mask intra-racial differences between these ethnic-immigrant groups and Black Americans with more distant ancestral ties to Africa (i.e., African Americans). Among these subgroups, the extremely limited data disaggregating the US Black population suggest the following patterns. First, foreign-born Black immigrants have lower levels of MDD and related symptoms relative to US-born Black Americans, a finding which is consistent with theories of foreign-born health advantage. Second, among the US-born, Caribbean adults have higher levels of MDD and related symptoms relative to all other Black Americans, a finding which is inconsistent with theories related to intergenerational declines in health toward convergence to native-born levels. Lastly, and contrary to results among adults, first- and second-generation Caribbeans have lower levels of depressive symptoms relative to all other Black youth. This dissertation sought to better understand how depression and its related symptoms are patterned within the US Black population, as well as how mechanisms causing these outcomes may vary across subgroups defined by domains related to immigration. Chapter 1 was a systematic review, which comprehensively synthesized depression and related symptoms within the US Black population across these domains, including a summary of mechanisms proposed toward explaining intra-racial variation. Using longitudinal data, Chapter 2 examined whether, and if so when, growth curve models of depressive symptoms varied by immigrant generation contrasts among a representative sample of Black youth followed into adulthood. And using representative data from the largest study of Black mental health, Chapter 3 examined whether the relationship between racial identity, a presumed protective factor against depression and related symptoms, and MDD varied between US-born Caribbeans and all other US-born Black Americans. The systematic review of Chapter 1 revealed substantial variation in the prevalence of depression and its related symptoms within the US Black population by nativity, region of birth, age at immigration, and Caribbean ethnic origin. Results additionally confirmed that much of what is known about intra-racial heterogeneity comes from a single data source, the National Study of American Life (NSAL). Using longitudinal data of youth followed into adulthood, Chapter 2 found evidence of diverging depressive symptoms trajectories among Black respondents by immigrant generation (first/second-generation compared with third and higher generations); notably, contrasts among Black respondents varied from those of other racial/ethnic groups (Asian, Hispanic/Latinx, non-Hispanic white). Lastly, results from Chapter 3 suggest aspects of racial identity may not be protective for US-born Caribbeans, pointing to variations in racialization experiences as a distal cause. Additional research using larger sample sizes, more diverse subgroups of Black ethnic immigrants, as well as longitudinal data, is needed to further understand patterns of and additional sources underlying heterogeneity of depression and its related symptoms within the US Black population.

This dissertation contributes to understanding the political behavior of two underrepresented groups: women and ethnoracial minorities. It explores how these groups' political behavior and beliefs are associated with existent gaps in representation. Each chapter approaches a different aspect concerning this common problem. Chapter 1 inquires about the mechanisms assumed to link descriptive and substantive representation for women. By analyzing the combination of electoral data segregated by gender in Ecuador with census data and the results of an original candidates' survey, I confirm the existence of a `gender affinity vote' and the importance of the type of female candidate for understanding gender gaps in support for women candidates. Chapter 2 presents the results of two survey experiments that study how gender stereotypes affect political behavior at the mass level. It identifies a gendered `issue ownership' based on these stereotypes and tests if counterstereotypical exposures promote more engagement of those underrepresented. The findings suggest that counterstereotypical exposure is not equally effective in promoting participation for both genders. Women do not get more engaged in male-dominated issues when encouraged by other women. Men get more engaged on women's issues when other men encourage them and when the invitee is similar to them. However, the interaction between the two factors has a negative effect, suggesting that seeing someone identical to them creates a dissonance that hinders the direct effects of the two variables. Chapter 3 presents the results of an audit study of US state legislators that explores the existence of a cominority solidarity between Blacks and Latinos. The results show that Latinos are not only the most disadvantaged because White legislators are biased against them, but also because their cominority solidarity towards Blacks is not reciprocated.

This online COVID-19 pandemic era investigation with Black hypertensive adults (N=612) who were 93.6% U.S. born, 54.7% male, 44.3% female with a mean age of 37 years sought to identify predictors of self-ratings for being medication non-adherent and for racism and discrimination impacting engagement with medical providers. Findings showed over 70% were medication non-adherent on Morisky Medication Adherence Scale, and 49.3% self-classified as medication non-adherent. Regarding behaviors of following provider instructions for taking medication, maintaining appointments, and uninterrupted receipt of medication, these deteriorated during the pandemic, but improved by currently—as resilience; yet, maintaining appointments and uninterrupted receipt of medication were better currently than pre-pandemic. While social support was low and unchanged from before the pandemic to currently, social support with medications deteriorated during the pandemic, but improved currently. Participants rated providers as follows: having closest to moderate cultural competence; moderate level of discrimination; moderately high for discriminating against their personal demographics, identity, or appearance (e.g. 85.3% for being Black, 80.6% for skin color, 66% for hair); 64.5% exposed them to racism/ discrimination so it impacted engagement with providers for willingness to regularly attend appointments; and, low-moderate frequency of microaggressions related to being Black. Not surprisingly, moderate medical mistrust was found. Two backward stepwise logistic regression models highlighted recurrent predictors for medication adherence as being 1-less provider discrimination for demographics/ identity/ appearance, and 2-less frequent provider microaggressions for being Black; and, one highlighted higher provider cultural competence. In a third model, greater provider discrimination was a predictor of self-classifying for racism/discrimination impacting engagement with providers. Findings highlight less provider discrimination and less frequent microaggressions by providers as key experiences—such that lower levels of exposure to provider racism, discrimination and microaggressions emerge as powerful determinants of medication adherence. The study has important implications for the urgency of addressing providers’ racism, discrimination and racial microaggressions as factors playing a role in medication non-adherence and patients’ unwillingness to return for medical appointments. Training in cultural competence is vitally needed with specific attention in training to actually observing, addressing and changing providers’ behavior of enacting racism, discrimination, and microaggressions with Black hypertensive patients.

This dissertation focuses on the role of tradition and ritual in historically Black education, particularly combating the legacy of antiblackness in school discipline. The study argues for the use of prophetic disruptive rituals that are grounded in meaning, hope, and love. Using Morehouse College as a philosophical case study, the project draws on digital archival research to answer the central question: How can education empower students to resist the nihilism and despair resulting from continued racial oppression and instead look to the future with hope and imagination? The dissertation acknowledges the significant role of student agency and campus traditions in institutional life and aims to move beyond the deficit-laden approach to historically Black education. Ultimately, the study provides a framework for creating ensouling experiences that breathe life into dry bones.