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<p>This doctoral thesis examines how modernisation affects and is affected by existing local culture and identity. It is about the relation between the social and mental barriers experienced, expressed and manifested in the social culture of local community, and modernisation’s dynamic powers over time. The thesis deals with different time periods from the 1800’s until today with regard to expressions and consequences of modernity. People during the societal transformation of Sweden in the 19th and 20th centuries are culturally depicted from a micro-perspective.</p><p>An overall perspective for the analysis of modernity uses the concepts of basal and variable modernity, borrowed from the historian of ideas Sven-Eric Liedman. The perspective makes possible the separation between on the one hand the structural modernisation within the fields of economy, technology and natural sciences, and on the other hand the cultural modernity manifested in conceptions of the world, politics, existential viewpoints, aesthetic expressions and social culture. Within the first-mentioned fields, where basal modernity dominates, a uniform and cumulative developmental pattern emerges as well as an almost self-propelled continuity toward the next innovation or stage of development. Within the latter fields, however, a non-uniform pattern emerges, where modernisation is constantly the object of alternative interpretations and attitudes. This variable modernity is characterised by a cultural struggle between conflicting ideologies and strategies in relation to ongoing modernisation. Different individuals and groups position themselves between acceptance and resistance, progressiveness and the critique of civilisation, the preservation of traditions and the will to change. In this course of events new affinities and identifications, but also new dissociations and antagonisms are created in local social contexts. Modernity leads both to the obliteration of boundaries and to the emergence of new social and mental boundaries. This process can also lead to existing geographical borders being charged with a new ideological content so their importance is revitalised.</p>

This doctoral thesis examines how modernisation affects and is affected by existing local culture and identity. It is about the relation between the social and mental barriers experienced, expressed and manifested in the social culture of local community, and modernisation’s dynamic powers over time. The thesis deals with different time periods from the 1800’s until today with regard to expressions and consequences of modernity. People during the societal transformation of Sweden in the 19th and 20th centuries are culturally depicted from a micro-perspective. An overall perspective for the analysis of modernity uses the concepts of basal and variable modernity, borrowed from the historian of ideas Sven-Eric Liedman. The perspective makes possible the separation between on the one hand the structural modernisation within the fields of economy, technology and natural sciences, and on the other hand the cultural modernity manifested in conceptions of the world, politics, existential viewpoints, aesthetic expressions and social culture. Within the first-mentioned fields, where basal modernity dominates, a uniform and cumulative developmental pattern emerges as well as an almost self-propelled continuity toward the next innovation or stage of development. Within the latter fields, however, a non-uniform pattern emerges, where modernisation is constantly the object of alternative interpretations and attitudes. This variable modernity is characterised by a cultural struggle between conflicting ideologies and strategies in relation to ongoing modernisation. Different individuals and groups position themselves between acceptance and resistance, progressiveness and the critique of civilisation, the preservation of traditions and the will to change. In this course of events new affinities and identifications, but also new dissociations and antagonisms are created in local social contexts. Modernity leads both to the obliteration of boundaries and to the emergence of new social and mental boundaries. This process can also lead to existing geographical borders being charged with a new ideological content so their importance is revitalised.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A pesquisa desenvolvida nesta dissertaÃÃo tem por objetivo fundamental analisar a sociedade civil-burguesa no pensamento de Karl Marx. Desta forma, perpassaremos por diversas obras de Marx pertinentes a esta temÃtica, desde o juvenil ensaio de 1843, conhecida por CrÃtica da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel, atà sua madura obra O Capital, de 1867. Delineia-se, entÃo, que a metodologia privilegiada à a pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, eminentemente teÃrica. Reconhecendo que Marx passou por um profundo processo de influÃncia e revisÃo filosÃfica, especialmente das filosofias de Hegel e Feuerbach, a primeira problemÃtica a enfrentar versarà sobre os pressupostos teÃricos do desenvolvimento marxiano do conceito de sociedade civil-burguesa. Sendo assim, preliminarmente, perpassaremos pela filosofia de Hegel, por meio da obra PrincÃpios da Filosofia do Direito, de 1820. Em seguida, abordaremos a filosofia materialista de Feuerbach, detidamente nas obras PrincÃpios da Filosofia do Futuro (1843) e Para a CrÃtica da Filosofia de Hegel (1839). Em seguida, passaremos pelas obras filosÃficas de Marx conhecidas como de juventude. Essas obras serÃo a CrÃtica da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel, IntroduÃÃo à CrÃtica da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel (1844) e Sobre a QuestÃo Judaica (1843). Serà importante abordar a problemÃtica sobre as influÃncias das filosofias de Hegel e Feuerbach, pois no prÃximo momento, ou seja, no segundo capÃtulo, serà abordada a crÃtica de Marx à especulaÃÃo neohegeliana, vinculando-a ao posicionamento marxiano acerca da sociedade civil-burguesa, utilizando a obra de Marx A Sagrada FamÃlia ou A CrÃtica da CrÃtica CrÃtica: Contra Bruno Bauer e Consortes, de 1845. Dando prosseguimento, a pesquisa dissertativa enfrentarà a problemÃtica histÃrica e econÃmica de Marx relacionada à sociedade civil-burguesa por meio dos Manuscritos EconÃmico-FilosÃficos, escritos em 1844. Nesta mesma perspectiva, a prÃxima obra a ser explorada serà A Ideologia AlemÃ. Nesta obra, escrita entre 1845 e 1846, em conjunto com Engels, encontraremos a conceituaÃÃo acabada da sociedade civil-burguesa em Marx, considerada na concretude da esfera de produÃÃo. Por fim, encerraremos este estudo problematizando a sociedade civil-burguesa em seu funcionamento. Conforme esclarece Marx no prefÃcio da ContribuiÃÃo à CrÃtica da Economia PolÃtica (1859), a anatomia da sociedade civil-burguesa à encontrada na economia polÃtica. EntÃo, encerrando a pesquisa, estudaremos O Capital, obra onde à possÃvel levantar a hipÃtese de que a anÃlise crÃtica de Marx sobre a economia polÃtica reafirma sua concepÃÃo filosÃfica de que a sociedade civil-burguesa como a matriz ontolÃgica do todo social.

Submitted by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2016-10-06T20:05:10Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Aline Flavia Valgas - 2016.pdf: 2404201 bytes, checksum: c023bff2a3d2496eff4d257ebe31a58a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-10-07T11:39:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Aline Flavia Valgas - 2016.pdf: 2404201 bytes, checksum: c023bff2a3d2496eff4d257ebe31a58a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-07T11:39:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Aline Flavia Valgas - 2016.pdf: 2404201 bytes, checksum: c023bff2a3d2496eff4d257ebe31a58a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Taking the literature as a privileged field to seize the contradictions produced by the society, we aim to investigate the body education on solid conditions of the establishment of the First Brazilian Republic related to Lima Barreto’s tales.Therefore, we sought to understand the basis of body education which resonates in the First Brazilian Republic and to analyze Lima Barreto’s stories in its relation to body education elements. We have analyzed one hundred and five short stories written by Lima Barreto between 1904-1922, being possible to identify determinations of bourgeois society on elements that address the work in the First Brazilian Republic social rise and unemployment; the tension between the traditional way and modern way of life, progress and republican organization; the scientific knowledge, formal education and social inequality; sexual and emotional relationships. The narratives refer to the incorporation of new habits applied on reshaping the city spaces which seem modern and industrialized, offering elements to reflect on the body education processed at the time. By the enrichness of characters, physical spaces, conflict and theme, Lima Barreto’s tales unveil the contradictions of bourgeois society and draw criticism of the scientific model that supports body education processes cultivated in this society, allowing reflections beyond the apparent reality. / Tomando a literatura como campo privilegiado para apreender as contradições produzidas na sociedade, objetivamos investigar a educação do corpo nas condições concretas de instauração da Primeira República no Brasil em articulação com os contos de Lima Barreto. Para tanto, buscamos compreender as bases da educação corporal que ressoa no Brasil da Primeira República e analisar os contos de Lima Barreto em sua relação com elementos da educação do corpo. Analisamos cento e cinco contos escritos por Lima Barreto entre o período de 1904 a 1922, sendo possível identificar determinações da sociedade burguesa em elementos que abordam o trabalho no Brasil da Primeira República, ascensão social e desemprego; a tensão entre o modo de vida tradicional e moderno, progresso e organização republicana; o conhecimento científico, educação formal e desigualdade social; e as relações sexuais e afetivas. As narrativas remetem à incorporação de novos hábitos empreendidos na reformulação dos espaços da cidade que se pretende moderna e industrializada, oferecendo elementos para reflexões acerca da educação do corpo processada à época. Em riqueza de personagens, espaços físicos, conflitos e temáticas, os contos de Lima Barreto desvelam as contradições da sociedade burguesa e traçam críticas ao modelo científico que embasa processos de educação do corpo cultivados nessa sociedade, possibilitando reflexões para além da realidade aparente.

Abstract In the recent political theory it is ever more common to point out that the liberal theory has had in the modern world a respectable rival called republican theory. This study tries to support the thesis that however fundamentally their distinction be defined it has as its most important element different concepts of freedom. The liberals have so called negative concept of freedom almost without exception as the basis of their political theory whereas the republicans tend to have a different concept of freedom as that. In this study this is called autonomic freedom in its more developed version. The above thesis has been argued by comparing two central modern republicans, Rousseau and Hegel. The arguments of this study firstly show that they both have the autonomic freedom as a basis of their political theories in a much more developed and richer form than anyone else before. The arguments secondly show that their theories of the modern society on the one hand and those of political community on the other hand are very similar. The very same thing can thirdly be said of their accounts of the relationship of these conceptions. Their political theories showed a considerable amount of common features which are different from or contrary to those of liberal theories. Many of them could be connected to Rousseau’s and Hegel’s near-kindred concepts of autonomic freedom. Their characteristic differences can in many cases be accounted for to their historically different perspectives into the development of the modern society. The case in point is Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations (1776). It is very unlikely that Rousseau even knew about it whereas studying it was very important for Hegel’s understanding of the modern society. The argumentation for the theses of the study has been based on close and detailed interpretation of the relevant texts of Rousseau and Hegel. / Tiivistelmä Viime aikoina on poliittisessa teoriassa yleistynyt käsitys, jonka mukaan liberalistisella poliittisella teoriassa on modernissa maailmassa varteenotettava kilpailija, nimittäin republikanistinen teoria. Tutkimuksessa pyritään esittämään tukea teesille, jonka mukaan liberalismin ja republikanismin eron keskeinen fundamentti tai ainakin yksi aivan keskeisimmistä on niiden erilainen vapauden käsite. Liberalistisella poliittisella teorialla on melkein poikkeuksetta nk. negatiivinen vapauden käsite perusteenaan, kun taas republikanisteilla on yleensä perusteena toisenlainen vapauskäsite, jonka kehittynyttä muotoa nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa autonomiseksi vapaudeksi. Juuri mainittua teesiä perustellaan tutkimalla kahta keskeistä modernia republikanistia, Rousseauta ja Hegeliä. Ensin osoitetaan, että heillä on autonominen vapaus poliittisen teoriansa perusteena kehittyneemmässä ja rikkaammassa muodossa kuin kenelläkään heitä ennen. Toiseksi osoitetaan heidän poliittisia teorioitaan tutkimalla, että heidän käsityksensä modernista yhteiskunnasta ja poliittisesta yhteisöstä ovat varsin yhteneväiset. Kolmanneksi osoitetaan, että heillä on hyvin yhteneväinen käsitys myös niiden suhteesta. Heidän poliittisissa teorioissaan esiintyi runsaasti liberalistisesta teoriasta poikkeavia tai sille vastakkaisia yhteisiä piirteitä. Monet näistä voitiin asettaa tiiviiseen yhteyteen edellä mainitun heille pitkälti yhteisen vapauskäsitteen kanssa. Heidän luonteenomaiset eronsa voidaan usein yhdistää heidän historiallisesti erilaiseen perspektiiviinsä modernin yhteiskunnan kehitykseen. On esimerkiksi erittäin epätodennäköistä, että Rousseau olisi edes kuullut Adam Smithin Kansojen varallisuudesta, kun taas Hegelin teoria modernista yhteiskunnasta perustuu huomattavassa määrin tämän teoksen tutkimiseen. Tutkimuksen teesien perustelu nojaa Rousseaun ja Hegelin relevanttien tekstien yksityiskohtaiseen lähitulkintaan.

<p>The dissertation describes a crucial step in the development of a modern writer's identity in Sweden. It applies the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s theories of the autonomous ”literary field” to the development in eighteen-eighties, one of the most important periods in Swedish literary history.</p><p>During this decade a large group of authors appeared, with August Strindberg in the front. In accordance with the dominating esthetical view of the nineteenth century, ”ideal realism”, the writers had an ethical responsibility. But they differed from their predecessors by not being loyal to the bourgeois society and its values, as codified in the concept of ”decency”, that contained, among other things, rules for what could be said in public. On the contrary, the new generation of authors attacked the bourgeoisie in novels, dramas and articles, especially in the singularly most controversial area, the regulation of sexuality and the ideals of bourgeois women.</p><p>This study argues that the new authors in their radical criticism aimed at the position of power in society traditionally upheld by the State church, which supervised education and ethical values. They did this by creating a role for themselves as young and oppressed, something that made it possible to deny any responsibility for the present state and furthermore to speak up, despite their own bourgeois background, for other oppressed groups like the working classes, the poor and women. But this also meant that they could not be successful in their ambitions to gain influence without loosing their identity. This was especially the consequence of the fact that an autonomous ”literary field” did not yet exist. That is, there were no internal literary institutions that, seemingly independent of the rest of society, decided what was ”good literature.” Instead, the singularly most important judge of interesting literature was the bourgeois public. Strindberg seems to have realised this early, and achieved an identity as ”uncontrolled”. He thereby lost his intellectual credibility, but gained a much bigger freedom to write and also got the attention of the large audience. At the same time, his writing undermined the values of decency by breaking the bourgeois society’s fundamental wall between the private and the public sphere, not least by writing what was regarded as facts about his own private life. </p><p>The conservative reaction accelerated towards the end of the decade while the authors grew more and more bitter about the public’s lack of understanding. At this point the author Verner von Heidenstam took the opportunity to declare a new literary era, dissociating his aesthetics from the one of the Eighties and proclaiming the necessity of an aristocratic, ethically indifferent literature (with himself as its leader). </p><p>Confronted with the new concept of what ought to be regarded as “modern”, the established male authors were generally quick to separate themselves from the female authors, and to identify the attacked literature solely with the one that critically discussed the situation of women in society - a description that has been largely adopted in the history of literature. A number of male authors also wrote novels separating themselves from the Eighties. Thus, they could continue into the new period, while female authors in general were silenced or forced to write in less esteemed genres (”popular literature”, children’s books). </p><p>Ultimately the result was a more distinct male domination coupled with a growing contempt for the large audience. This, in turn, created a need for internal institutions that could interpret, value and support literature - scholarships, elitist critics, and a writers’ union. These institutions subsequently were founded or developed during the nineties – all of them steps towards autonomy.</p>

The dissertation describes a crucial step in the development of a modern writer's identity in Sweden. It applies the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s theories of the autonomous ”literary field” to the development in eighteen-eighties, one of the most important periods in Swedish literary history. During this decade a large group of authors appeared, with August Strindberg in the front. In accordance with the dominating esthetical view of the nineteenth century, ”ideal realism”, the writers had an ethical responsibility. But they differed from their predecessors by not being loyal to the bourgeois society and its values, as codified in the concept of ”decency”, that contained, among other things, rules for what could be said in public. On the contrary, the new generation of authors attacked the bourgeoisie in novels, dramas and articles, especially in the singularly most controversial area, the regulation of sexuality and the ideals of bourgeois women. This study argues that the new authors in their radical criticism aimed at the position of power in society traditionally upheld by the State church, which supervised education and ethical values. They did this by creating a role for themselves as young and oppressed, something that made it possible to deny any responsibility for the present state and furthermore to speak up, despite their own bourgeois background, for other oppressed groups like the working classes, the poor and women. But this also meant that they could not be successful in their ambitions to gain influence without loosing their identity. This was especially the consequence of the fact that an autonomous ”literary field” did not yet exist. That is, there were no internal literary institutions that, seemingly independent of the rest of society, decided what was ”good literature.” Instead, the singularly most important judge of interesting literature was the bourgeois public. Strindberg seems to have realised this early, and achieved an identity as ”uncontrolled”. He thereby lost his intellectual credibility, but gained a much bigger freedom to write and also got the attention of the large audience. At the same time, his writing undermined the values of decency by breaking the bourgeois society’s fundamental wall between the private and the public sphere, not least by writing what was regarded as facts about his own private life. The conservative reaction accelerated towards the end of the decade while the authors grew more and more bitter about the public’s lack of understanding. At this point the author Verner von Heidenstam took the opportunity to declare a new literary era, dissociating his aesthetics from the one of the Eighties and proclaiming the necessity of an aristocratic, ethically indifferent literature (with himself as its leader). Confronted with the new concept of what ought to be regarded as “modern”, the established male authors were generally quick to separate themselves from the female authors, and to identify the attacked literature solely with the one that critically discussed the situation of women in society - a description that has been largely adopted in the history of literature. A number of male authors also wrote novels separating themselves from the Eighties. Thus, they could continue into the new period, while female authors in general were silenced or forced to write in less esteemed genres (”popular literature”, children’s books). Ultimately the result was a more distinct male domination coupled with a growing contempt for the large audience. This, in turn, created a need for internal institutions that could interpret, value and support literature - scholarships, elitist critics, and a writers’ union. These institutions subsequently were founded or developed during the nineties – all of them steps towards autonomy.