During the last decades, the world has become increasingly globalized, leading to an increased interdependence between nations. This development has given rise to an increased vulnerability to turbulence created by external events and made it even harder to find the right strategic fit while managing the trade-offs between global integration and local responsiveness. The purpose of this thesis is, therefore, to understand how external events, namely Trade wars, Brexit and Pandemic affect an MNC's international strategy and how an MNC can adapt its strategy and structure to respond to the turbulent environment. Consequently, this thesis follows a case study-based design which helps to provide an in-depth company view and a strong foundation for the analysis of the strategic considerations made by the case company. The findings show that external events affect the company's capacity to produce, reduces trade opportunities, and prevents the continuous supply. Further, a direct response to the turbulent environment is to adapt the strategy and structure towards an adjusted Regional Strategy, with a focus on interdependence within geographical market clusters. This will create more opportunities to find the integral trade-off between global integration and local responsiveness and consequently respond to the arising regional complexities.

Reference BOYANOVA, Pavlina. Scenarios of Future EU-Britain Defence Cooperation. Prague, 2020. Master's thesis. Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Security Studies. Abstract Brexit day may have passed, but we know too little about what form the future relationship between the EU and the UK will assume. This thesis explores several scenarios for an EU-Britain cooperation post-Brexit, focusing in particular on the partnership in defence policy. It considers defence cooperation (1) within the EU defence framework, (2) relations within the NATO framework, (3) structured cooperation outside the EU framework and the NATO framework, (4) bilateral ties between the UK and EU member states and (5) non-cooperation. The author combines analytic eclectism with a qualitative interpretative research design to evaluate each scenario against a series of theoretically-informed empirical expectations regarding governments' decisions to pursue defence jointly. It puts forward a theoretical framework that includes factors, such as strategic culture, foreign-political postures and attitudes towards European integration as potential explanations for the post- Brexit dynamics of defence cooperation. Keywords Brexit, Britain, European Union, defence, cooperation, scenarios

This research paper aims to explore the economic effects of Brexit on the European Union. The main research question is: What were the Brexit's effects on the E.U. economy? The study was conducted through a systematic literature review, focusing on existing literature to explain the various impact of Brexit on the E.U. The review materials were sourced from news articles, previous research studies, government statements and documents, European Union statements and documents, peer-reviewed articles, academic texts, and literature on the topical issues by experts. The main objective of the research study was to explain all economic effects the Brexit has on the E.U., bearing in mind that liberalism thrives on opening up the international border to free movement of goods and people. The Brexit reintroduced restrictions on the cross-border movement of goods and people between the U.K. and the E.U., impacting both regions economically. The study establishes that the Brexit had a wide range of economic effects on the E.U., which included inflations, relocation of businesses, loss of jobs, cheapening of labor, increased registration of new business companies in the E.U., the decline in the GDP, loss of market, and custom wall. The E.U. member states that traded much with the U.K. suffered most of the impact because of strong economic ties.

The literature on nexus between trade and business cycle synchronization have provided mixed and weak evidence of the effect of trade on business cycle synchronization as a result of lack of value-added bilateral trade data which provides solution for overestimation or underestimation of shock exposure when using gross trade data. Also, due to limited data on sectoral bilateral value-added trade, the literature has not been able to pinpoint the sectors where synchronization is necessary in order to economically direct all effort to these sectors in forging economic integration. The paper uses value-added trade data to examine the impact of trade on business cycle synchronization at the aggregate level and sector level and find a highly significant and highly positive effect of trade on the aggregate level. Estimates for agriculture, manufacturing, construction, total business, electricity gas and sewer, and other service sectors yield a positive significant effect in the service sector, indicating that attention should be focus on the service and business sector when integrating economically.In this paper we examine output cycle synchronization patterns of the countries that joined the Eurozone later and countries that are in preparation or committed to join in relation to the original Eurozone members. We analysis this in the contest of before, during and recovery periods of the global financial crisis investigate the differences in the patterns of synchronization for late and future members of the Eurozone. For more understanding, we examine the pattern on disaggregate level using data for agricultural, manufacturing, construction, utility, total business and other services sectors from 1995-2015. Also, we examine the importance of trade on output synchronization both on the aggregate and disaggregate level using System GMM which not only solves the problem of endogeneity, but it estimates the persistence of business cycle synchronization efficiently. The result provides evidence of a positive persistence; however, synchronization pattern differs between late and future member states. Also, the financial crisis had a negative effect on synchronization in the European sub region as result the difference in the response by member states. The result shows a weak evidence of the importance of trade as a channel of synchronization. Even though previous studies have provided evidence improvement in UK and the Eurozone output comovement, Brexit came to pass. This has questioned the potency of the Enlargement of the Eurozone Initiative. This paper reexamines the degree of business cycle synchronization between the Euro area countries and United Kingdom in attempt to find an economic reason for Brexit. We also examine if the disaggregate economy have share similar pattern as the aggregated economy using the output synchronization in the agricultural, manufacturing, constructions, utility, total business and other service sectors between the euro area countries and United Kingdom. Using valued-added trade data between 1995 and 2015 from WTO-TiVA database we further examine effect of trade (sectoral trade) on the output (sectoral output) synchronization. Furthermore, we analyze the same questions in the contest of before and after the global financial crisis. The result show that the UK-EMU trade channel is no important to the output cycles synchronization. Also, due the unstable pattern or persistence of UK-EMU synchronization the EMU will have little effect from the Brexit if there exit one.

In recent times we have seen coalitions of fiscally conservative member states who have sought to block further financial integration. Despite their small size, these states have come together and taken on the rest of the European Union with much success. They have had to do this since Brexit has cost them a large and powerful ally, the United Kingdom. With growing support for more integration in Germany and France, smaller states who object to further integration have had to stop their interest from being ignored. The thesis makes use of Liberal Intergovernmentalism, Rational Choice andTwo-Level Game Theory to develop the analysis. The method used is historical, which allows the question to be answered by looking at the patterns and motivations of previous coalitions. The analysis shows how coalitions, due to the distribution of power amongst member states, are necessary for small states in having their say. The analysis also looks at how these coalitions come together, how they alter the power and approach of the small states to the negotiation table. Using the case of the Frugal Four, this thesis determines the value of coalitions and attempts to determine whether coalitions are the way forward in EU negotiations due to the large UK- shaped power vacuum left over by Brexit. This thesis sees that resulting from the power shift strongly favouring the pro-integration forces and the large states coalitions offer the only means for small states to avoid having their interest ignored. The coalition also offers long term assurance for these states in the pursuit of their national preferences.

As the 2016 Brexit referendum was an election largely decided by the use of language, there was merit in examining how the Leave campaign had managed to be successful. Therefore, this study asks how one of the leave campaign's main figure heads, Boris Johnson, used metaphors to frame the relationship between Britain and the EU. In addition, the ascribed conceptual role of each party was investigated. To determine this, the metaphorical framing in a pivotal speech was examined by using conceptual metaphor theory. Firstly, several linguistic metaphors were identified by using an established metaphor identification process. After careful analysis, two separate patterns in these metaphors were found and subsequently, suitable conceptual metaphors were suggested. The one relating to the relationship between Britain and the EU was proposed as AUTONOMY IS FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT. In other words, there were several linguistic metaphors exhibiting the conceptual pattern that the EU restricted Britain's freedom of movement and that this described the more abstract notion of Britain's lack of autonomy. Thus, in his speech, Boris Johnson conveyed the idea that there was an imbalance of power weighted in favour of the EU. The second conceptual metaphor, which denotes the role of the EU, was proposed as THE EU IS A MACHINE. This implies that the EU is an emotionless, non-sentient and thoughtless operation that does not inspire warmth or a sense of belonging. This pattern was not as solid as the restriction of movement pattern but other, corroborating, evidence was found. Finally, the role of Britain in the speech was not referred to using metaphors but by personal pronouns, first-person plural. This achieves the opposite effect to the conceptual metaphor THE EU IS A MACHINE. Hence, by repeatedly using we and us when referencing Britain, Boris Johnson humanises the country as he tries to foster a group feeling, a sense of togetherness. These findings highlight how politicians use the tools of linguistics to influence the electorate. Britain's unexpected exit out of the European Union had a huge impact on millions of people so it is crucial to understand how the Leave campaign had managed to swing the vote in their favour. This study shines a light on some of the techniques used to win the referendum.

Turism har länge varit ett svårdefinierat begrepp med sin direkta och indirekta påverkan på det ekonomiska och sociala livet. Även politik har direkta och indirekta konsekvenser, inte minst på servicesektorn som till stor del består av turister och aktörer inom turism. Storbritanniens uttåg ur EU kommer ha en stor inverkan på inhemsk,utgående och inkommande turism men också på aktörer inom och utanförturismsektorn. Det återstår att se vilken inverkan som Brexit kommer ha, både ekonomiskt, socialt och kulturellt inför framtiden där flera forskare och experter försöker förutspå olika utfall. Samarbetet mellan EU och Storbritannien har en lång historia bakom sig med över 40 år av delade åsikter och värderingar som skapat möjligheter för människor och företag att röra sig och handla fritt inom Europa. Samarbetet har medfört både positiva och negativa konsekvenser i mål om att underlätta och främja människors sätt att leva och utveckla en ekonomisk tillväxt. Denna studie kommer att undersöka vilken inverkan Brexit har på svenska besökare utifrån ett scenariobyggande perspektiv. Förståelsen förresenärers resemotiv kan vara viktigt för reseföretag som vill tillfredsställa sina kunder men även för myndigheter som vill utveckla turismnäringen. Både en kvalitativ och kvantitativ metod har använtsi denna studie. Den kvalitativa metoden består avintervjuermedett brittiskt företag,tvåsvenska företag och sex svenska resenärer.Den kvantitativa metoden består avenkätundersökning med160svenska konsumenter.Resultatet visar att Brexits påverkan kan vara annorlunda på privatresenärer och affärsresenärer samt att olika faktorer kan ha en påverkanpå svenska resenärer vid val av resa, till exempel visum,sjukförsäkring, reseförsäkring samt pris på varor och tjänster.

Brexit, a highly contested issue, sparked discussion on the future of not only the United Kingdom but also the European Union and its role as a political actor. The attempts to explain the phenomena have been plentiful, and within the discipline of political science, the discussion largely focuses on the political preferences of different identity groups. Brexit tends to be associated with European right-wing populism, Trump, and a cultural backlash towards liberal values. This study argues that this is far too strong of a simplification and that Brexit has deeper causes which cannot strictly be attributed to modern political trends. Britain has historically had great difficulties with its post-war role in Europe, and its reluctance to commit itself to Europe is far older than what current literature assumes. The study theorises that the preconditions for Brexit lie in the divergence of French and English liberalism and established that the UK is in far more agreement on the role of the EU in UK politics than at first glance. The Conflict lies between the UK and the EU, not within the UK itself, specifically how apolitical structure is made legitimate, and what it means to be a reluctant member of Europe.

From 2015, a huge influx of refugees came from the Middle East, the Balkans, Central Asia and Africa to Europe. It is triggered by various persecutions, armed wars, economic impossibility. The majority of those arrived were refugees, those who had fled their country due to imminent threat or persecution and were even trying to reach the European continent at the risk of their lives. The others are economic immigrants who have migrated to the European Union in the hope of a better life - to work, study or reunite. The UK has been a major destination for both migrants and refugees for many decades. The dissertation draws attention to the complex effects of migration, with a particular focus on the host country, and highlights, especially in the UK, the need for migrants in an aging society in Europe, even if the public thinks otherwise. With the Brexit, the UK has exited the European Union, cut back on previous benefits for EU migrants and is opening up to former Commonwealth members as sending countries.

Yes / After Brexit, EU national leaders can no longer escape the need to implement structural reforms and improve Eurozone governance. Since the start of the crisis, considerable progress has been made to stabilise EMU, but the current status quo is not an adequate answer to the challenges ahead. As in other domains of European interest, lack of initiative and reform is only fuelling populism. The ECB has contributed greatly to making up for the lack of policy coordination, insufficient structural reforms, and lack of progress in Eurozone economic governance. But its policy impact has been limited by these shortcomings and it has frequently been under fire for having had to take extraordinary measures. This paper, first, considers the initial flaws of the monetary project and the progress made since an EMU a minima was launched in 1999. Second, it examines the measures needed to make the long-term functioning of the euro area sustainable, and analyses the range of issues and choices that policymakers and political leaders need to face to stabilize EMU whilst addressing the often structural lack of competitiveness encountered among Eurozone members. Finally, it formulates recommendations on how to improve the workings of EMU without further postponing action.