La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar los diferentes efectos que impactaron en el comercio de Espárragos frescos o refrigerados de Perú con el Reino Unido durante los años 2012 al 2017, siendo estos efectos tanto públicos como del sector privado agroexportador. Por tal motivo, se precisó investigar y analizar el histórico de la desgravación arancelaria que se va dando a lo largo de los años gracias a los acuerdos comerciales que existen entre Perú y diferentes mercados con relación a los productos agroindustriales. Pero, haciendo énfasis y más dirigido al caso de los Espárragos frescos o refrigerados hacia el Reino Unido durante los años. Asimismo, se analizó el impacto de ciertos factores medio ambientales sobre las cosechas de espárragos en el territorio peruano y su consecuencia con las exportaciones a al mercado de Reino Unido. De igual manera cómo influye la mano de obra con respecto a efectos sociales al momento de analizar su relevancia en los tiempos cruciales de cultivo y cosecha. Además, al tratar temas políticos y económicos, se llevó a investigar y analizar sucesos políticos trascendentales que logran tener un impacto en las relaciones internacionales entre mercados, así como análisis económico de un mercado en específico. Bajo este fin, se recopiló y relacionó información proveniente de ciertas herramientas metodológicas como datos estadísticos de SUNAT, Veritrade y MINCETUR, información pública y entrevistas a personas con conocimientos en temas relacionados al comercio del sector agroexportador, relaciones internacionales, comercio exterior y derecho público internacional. / The main object of this research is to analyze the different effects that impacted the trade of fresh or chilled asparagus from Peru to the United Kingdom during the years 2012 - 2017, with both public and private agro-exporter effects. For this reason, it was necessary to investigate and analyze the history of tariff reduction that is taking place over the last years thanks to trade agreements that exist between Peru and different markets in relation to the agro-industrial products. But, making emphasis in the case of fresh or chilled asparagus towards the United Kingdom over the years. Likewise, the impact of certain environmental factors on the asparagus crops in the peruvian territory and its impact in the exports to the United Kingdom market was analyzed. In the same way, how handmade labor influences social effects, analyzing their relevance in the crucial times of cultivation and harvest. In addition, when dealing with political and economic issues, it was carried out to investigate and analyze transcendental political events that manage to have an impact on international relations between markets, as well as economic analysis of a specific market. To this end, information was collected and related from certain methodological tools such as statistical data from SUNAT, Veritrade and MINCETUR, public information and interviews with people with knowledge of issues related to trade in the agro-export sector, international relations, foreign trade and international public law. / Tesis

The thesis Legal Aspects of Withdrawal from the EU is divided into two parts. The theoretical part sums up the legislation of the withdrawal according to article 5O of the Lisbon Treaty. There is also an example of withdrawal from the EU before the article 50 has been even applied. The section dedicated to the practical results attained from the research was completed by analysing existing preferential agreements, which the UK has owing to EU, as any other member state. Then the same analysis has been carried out with existing preferential agreements, that the UK concluded with third countries. There has been done a forecast of the trade balance and its effect on GDP for the next two years according to the prediction of the Bank of England.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om Storbritanniens utträde ur den Europeiska Unionen (Brexit) har förändrat inställningen till EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik i den nuvarande regeringen (2014-2018) och i allianspartierna. Uppsatsen berör EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik mellan 2014 till 2018 uppdelat i två perioder: oktober 2014 till juni 2016 samt juni 2016 till mars 2018. För att analysera om en förändring skett har Albert O. Hirschmans teoretiska koncept sorti, protest och lojalitet applicerats på det insamlade materialet. Det insamlade materialet bygger på en omfattande genomgång av propositioner, motioner, utrikesdeklarationer, skrivelser, fakta- promemorior, debattartiklar, tal samt övriga säkerhetspolitiska dokument kopplat till EU:s gemensamma försvars- och säkerhetspolitik. Som ytterligare komplement till detta material har två intervjuer med riksdagsledamöter från Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna genomförts. Resultatet indikerar en tydligare svensk EU-lojalitet efter Brexit-omröstningen, där partierna mer explicit välkomnat den försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska utvecklingen inom EU. Resultatet visar att regeringen särskilt betonar sammanhållning efter Brexit-omröstningen, vilket tydligt märks i och med att regeringen framhäver det som ett nationellt intresse i den svenska säkerhetsstrategin från 2017. Från allianspartierna har särskilt Moderaterna stuckit ut, där både textmaterialet och intervjun visade en förändrad och mer positiv inställning till EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik. Slutsatsen efter Brexit kan sammanfattas av att partierna tydligare betonar sammanhållning inom EU, är mer öppna för utökat samarbete inom EU:s försvars- och säkerhetspolitik samt är mer positiva till den samtida utvecklingen inom detta politikområde.

This study takes a qualitative approach to contextualizing and examining the communication of the so-called Kremlin trolls on Twitter, in relation to two major political processes that occurred in 2016, namely the Brexit referendum and the U.S. presidential election. Moreover, the study examines the news media of the two respective countries’ portrayal of the “Kremlin trolls”. The study assesses and problematizes mainstream application and contemporary usage of terminology in relation to two phenomena central to this thesis, namely: “Kremlin trolls”, and “fake news”. The study reconceptualizes the respective concepts into the “Kremlin meddlers” and “deceitful news”, as it was found those terms more accurately reflect both phenomena. Two sets of empirical data are examined in the thesis, one of which consists of 62 posts derived from 14 accounts of the Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts. The other consistsof 30 articles stemming from 10 different news outlets, 5 of which were U.K. news outlets and 5 U.S. news sites, covering the political spectrum from one end to the other. The study applies one theoretical framework toexamine both sets of empiricaldata, namely Teun van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis. The Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts used two strategies to influence the electorates of both countries, one of which was to hide under the guise of pseudonyms impersonating actual citizens of the two nations. The other strategy employed by the meddlers was to maintain accounts that simulated news outlets, acting and appearing much like a legitimate news outlet would on the platform. The communication of the Kremlin meddlers was primarily aimed atsupporters of the ideological right by (re)producing discourse highly critical of the ideological left, this is particularly so for the Twitter accounts seeking to impersonate actual people. The pursuit of ideological polarization is centralin their communication.In the news media’s portrayal of the meddlers,differences are foundacross the ideological spectrum. The study identifies three themesin the discourse; one portraying the meddlers’ in a humanizing view, one creating a Them vs. Us categorization between Russia and the West, and the last focusing on the meddlers’ impacton democratic processes. Intrinsic to all of the themes is the (re)production of elite discourse, primarily seen through the selective use of voices from the symbolic elite to construct the social reality.

The recent upsurge of electoral success from the Brexit Leave campaign and Donald Trump’s presidential campaign 2016, confirm that populist politics has taken a greater role in Europe and in the U.S. The purpose of this research is to see to what extent each of the two campaigns are populist, and whether their statements are similar to each other. This will increase further knowledge about the populist phenomenon and its complexity. Hence, comparative analyses of six speeches from Brexit’s Leave campaign and Trump’s presidential campaign have been conducted through the framework of Mudde’s minimal definition of populism. The results show that both campaigns have populist features and that they have some commonalities, but still vary in the details, due to the countries’ historical, social and economic backgrounds. The two campaigns’ representatives are using similar populist strategies in order to reach their audiences. It is further recommended to expand this research and examine Trump’s presidency and its impacts with the UK’s process of leaving and its outcomes, which will provide a further understanding of the populist upsurge as well as its consequences.

This paper proposes a new panel data structural gravity approach for estimating the trade and welfare effects of Brexit. The suggested Constrained Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood Estimator exhibits some useful properties for trade policy analysis and allows to obtain estimates and confidence intervals which are consistent with structural trade theory. Assuming different counterfactual post-Brexit scenarios, our main findings suggest that UKs (EUs) exports of goods to the EU (UK) are likely to decline within a range between 7.2% and 45.7% (5.9% and 38.2%) six years after the Brexit has taken place. For the UK, the negative trade effects are only partially offset by an increase in domestic goods trade and trade with third countries, inducing a decline in UKs real income between 1.4% and 5.7% under the hard Brexit scenario. The estimated welfare effects for the EU are negligible in magnitude and statistically not different from zero. / Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series

Sammanfattning: Denna uppsats ämnar ta reda på vilket förhållande de fyra brittiska partierna; Det Konservativa Partiet, Labour, Liberaldemokraterna och UKIP vill att Storbritannien ska ha till EU framöver. Uppsatsens utgångspunkt är debatten kring den folkomröstning Storbritannien kommer att genomföra angående EU-medlemskapet 23e juni 2016. Fokus i uppsatsen ligger på partiernas syn på statens roll i samhället och staters roll i internationell politik. Uppsatsen svarar även på vilka konsekvenser partierna ser som möjliga vid respektive utfall av folkomröstningen och vilka ämnen man lägger tyngdpunkt på i debatten. För att få svar på frågorna genomförs en beskrivande idéanalys. Som teoretisk grund används Europeisk integrationsteori och internationella relationer, IR-teori. Uppsatsen visar att partiernas inställning till EU och utrikespolitik inte är uniform. Inom gruppen partier som vill att Storbritannien blir kvar i EU ryms en mängd motsägelsefulla åsikter och vad ett eventuellt utträde ur EU skulle leda till är trots djupgående debatt mycket oklart.

The aim of the diploma thesis is to evaluate consequences of the United Kingdom withdrawal from the European Union to financial sector and provide different view of the issue than studied analysis carried out so far. The thesis proves the size, broad structure and unique position of the British financial sector in Europe and the world. Theoretical part focuses on the historical perspective, to the explanation of how the financial system works, last but not least to the crucial regulatory norms and sector participants. Based on real and specific data, practical part explains the scope of financial sector, its significance and analyses the UK role in the approval process of specific regulatory standards. Lobbying is denoted as an effective way of influencing standards towards national interests. In conclusion, thesis provides an overview of UK losses and benefits after Brexit, including a proposal for modification the practical operation of the financial system and pay attention to problematic areas. It is demonstrated that Britain for its scale of the financial sector has been long-term influencing European regulation of the sector and despite withdrawal from European Union likely remain a global financial centre.

The first chapter describes the relationship of Great Britain and the European Union. It deals with the circumstances of joining into the EEC, discusses the exceptions of the membership and finally presents a detailed approach of the UK representatives of the ruling political parties. The second chapter focuses on the deeper issues of leaving the EU, while examining the possibility of this legislative step. The third chapter deals with the position of the Great Britain within the EU as compared to other member states. The fourth chapter assesses the economic impact of Brexit on UK and EU countries.

The UK's departure from the EU marks a pivotal moment in the history of intra-EU migration, one which foretells significant consequences for the identities and future plans of EU27 citizens who call the UK home, as they try to navigate the uncertainty and xenophobic othering sparked by the referendum result in June 2016. This thesis proposes five hypotheses on the cause-and-effect relationships that link migrant identity to subsequent decision-making in the context of Brexit, through coping strategies and other determining factors. Findings are based on thematic and comparative analysis of qualitative in-depth interviews with 22 Italian, Polish and Romanian citizens living in London, which were conducted between March 2018 and April 2019, prior to the UK's departure date and during a period of considerable uncertainty regarding their future in the country. In terms of Brexit's impact on their identity formation, xenophobic othering plays a key role in reinforcing and reconfiguring collective identities, and provokes contests to citizenship-identity hierarchies within the EU27 community in London. Despite the three nationalities' differing patterns of belonging and resulting identity reconfigurations, Brexit has broadly increased their attachment to, and solidarity through, a transnational European identity. In terms of the practical impact of Brexit on significant life-course decisions, the referendum has not triggered a 'Brexodus' or mass emigration of EU27 citizens from the UK, as emigration decisions are primarily governed by individual and circumstantial factors. Citizens who do not emigrate either face analysis paralysis and adopt avoidance tactics to delay decision-making, or they opt for instrumental naturalisation which often leads subliminally to a greater sense of belonging in the UK. Alongside the general hypotheses, this thesis also depicts the diverse attitudes and coping strategies that differentiate Italians, Polish and Romanians from one another, with regards to their distinct national and cultural backgrounds.