The thesis tries to search for a methodology with which to critique the role of the SABC's religious broadcasts in reflecting the South African crisis and negotiations during the apartheid and transition periods (1972-1992). It suggests the future restructuring of religious broadcasting in the light of this analysis. This thesis presents philosophical, theological, scientific, political, economic, social and cultural processes that marked the paradigmatic shift from the arcane Middle Ages to the Modern Age. These are tended as contours to both critique and restructure the South African Broadcasting Corporation's (SABC) religious broadcasting beyond Public Service Broadcasting into Community Religious Broadcasting pertinent to the meta-modern epoch. This thesis asserts that science, along with political, economic, and cultural processes, have been separated from their theological and cognitive roots. There is a gap between these processes and the human subject's thinking and faith activities. It asserts that scientific methodology alone is inadequate to analyse the SABC as a scientific phenomenon. It claims that using scientific methodologies of both mainstream and critical-Marxist paradigms alone may lead to methodological reductionism. It proposes that both mainstream (rational) and critical-Marxist (praxis) methodologies must be linked to cognitive (metaphysical) methodology. The inadequacy of science has brought this thesis to a methodological crisis. This crisis is demonstrated as a micro-crisis of the meso-crisis, which in turn is part of a macro-crisis. On the method micro-level the crisis is symptomatic of the micro-crisis caused by the separation of science from philosophy, which prejudices intuition in favour of rationality on the paradigmatic level. On the agenda level, which is the meso-level, the crisis manifests itself in the separation of philosophy from theology, which prejudiced theology in favour of philosophy. Finally on the macro-level the crisis shows itself as dualistic separation of subject-object uni-formity from subject-object uni-diversity, which prejudiced objectivity against subjectivity on the discourse level. Below I illustrate the theory-praxis crisis: From the theory-macro-uni-diversity level, a normalivistic stance, namely orthodoxical plane, the meso-crisis can be conceived as either heterodoxical or homodoxical. Heterodoxical crisis leads to heresiodoxical praxis and homodoxical leads to orthopraxis. From the praxis-micro-uniformity level, a normalivistic stance, namely orthopraxis plane, the meso-crisis can be conceived as either heteropraxical or homopraxical. Heteropraxis leads to heresiodoxy and homopraxis leads to orthodoxy. The thesis holds both ends of the object-subject dialectics, i.e. action follows being and being follows action. The emphasis on the former leads to idealism and the emphasis on the latter, to rationalism. The dialectic reaction to rationalism leads to scientific-materialism. The thesis further argues that both rationalism and materialism must be relinked to idealism in order to emancipate the human subject from either arcane or modern subordination. This emancipation, the thesis asserts, will lead to meta-modern community-based democracy and broadcasting. To tackle the question of whether theory informs praxis or praxis informs theory, the thesis bases itself on the perichosis-tri-tension of traditional view-stance, personal view-stance and praxis-stance. It navigates between the streams of hetero-consciousness and homo-consciousness, between liberal and critical paradigms, and between critical and hermeneutic theory\praxis. That navigation and the rethinking of both African and Occidental public spheres, afforded this thesis a cognitive-interpreting-praxis. That cognitive-interpreting-praxis is employed to critique the SABC in general and its religious broadcasting in particular. The critique amplified the root-cause, among others, of the crisis between SABC as a signifying practice and the reality of South African society between 1972 and 1992, as the bias of the SABC in favour of the then ruling White Hegemony. That White Hegemony is precisely, this thesis argues, the result of the separation of Africans from their traditional African polity and subsequent alienation from their land and stock, reminiscent of the separation of the Occidental subjects from these selfsame factors as a result of the arcane Middle Ages authority and land tenure. This separation, along with industrialization, brought about the massification of South African society, which was represented by the SABC (acting as a 'PSB') as a consensual but separate community of minorities. Finally, the thesis tries to map a way for the future in religious broadcasting in South Africa beyond the SABC as PSB, by proposing a community based religious broadcasting model. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1994.

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Habil.-Schr., Univ. St. Gallen, 2005.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this analytical study was to establish whether the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) operates as a true public broadcaster or as a state-controlled broadcaster. The performance of the ZBC was analysed through its main 8.00 pm television news bulletins broadcast during the period between the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front, ZANU (PF) and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) political parties in September 2008 and the establishment of the inclusive Government of National Unity (GNU) in February 2009. The study was undertaken from within the paradigms of the Social Responsibility Theory as this was deemed the most applicable in terms of the research subject. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were applied as part of a process of triangulation. The qualitative research method, as the main methodological approach, was applied to solicit views and opinions of participants by use of questionnaires designed to interview specific interviewees, namely the ZBC journalists and spokespersons for the various political parties now in the GNU. The journalists explained how they gathered and packaged news bulletins having to endure some government interference on a regular basis. The MDCs' spokespersons outlined how the ZBC denied them broadcast time for their rallies, press statements and participation in live debates. ZANU (PF) was of the view that the MDC parties only wanted to blame the previous ZANU (PF) government through “unsubstantiated” remarks about bias and the breakdown of the rule of law and absence of democracy and freedom of expression in the country. This, according to ZANU (PF), they did in order to please their alleged Western financiers like Britain and the United States who imposed targeted sanctions on the country. Through the analysis of political parties' accessibility to the main television news bulletins, the research confirmed the assumption that the ZBC is still biased in favour of the former sole ruling ZANU (PF) party which is also in charge of the information ministry in the GNU. The study concluded that since the ZBC, as a public-funded institution, was clearly not accessible to different political parties and civic society groups in order for them to participate in a crucial nation-building process, it failed to fulfil its expected mandate as a public broadcaster. By also negating a social responsibility role that calls for high professional conduct, fairness and objectivity expected of public broadcasters, this study showed that the ZBC was still a state-controlled broadcaster that needs to be reformed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie analitiese studie was om vas te stel of die Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) as 'n ware openbare uitsaaier of as 'n staatsbeheerde uitsaaier funksioneer. Die werkverrigting van die ZBC is geanaliseer deur die 8 nm-TV-bulletin gedurende die periode tussen die ondertekening van die Global Political Agreement (GPA), deur die Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, ZANU (PF) en die twee Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) politieke partye in September 2008 en die totstandkoming van die inklusiewe Government of National Unity (GNU) in Februarie 2009 te bestudeer. Beide kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes is toegepas deur dit met die proses van triangulering te kombineer. Die kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetode, wat die hoof-metodologiese benadering is, is aangewend om perspektiewe en opinies van deelnemers te verkry, deur gebruik te maak van vraelyste wat ontwerp is vir spesifieke deelnemers, naamlik die ZBC joernaliste en woordvoerders van die verskillende politieke partye, tans in die GNU. Die joernaliste verduidelik hoe hulle met die inwin van nuus en samestelling van nuusbulletins inmenging van die staat op 'n gereelde basis moes verduur. Woordvoerders van die MDC het in breë trekke uiteengesit hoe die ZBC hul uitsaaityd geweier het vir hul byeenkomste, persverklarings en deelname aan regstreekse debatte. Die ZANU (PF)-deelnemers is van mening dat die MDC- partye net die vorige regering wou blameer deur "ongesubstansieerde‟ opmerkings te maak oor vooroordeel en die ontbinding van die oppergesag van die gereg, die afwesigheid van demokrasie en vryheid van spraak in die land. Dit sou hulle doen om hul beweerde Westerse finansiers, soos Brittanje en die Verenigde State, wat geteikende sanksies op die partyleierskap opgelê het, insluitende president Robert Mugabe, tevrede te stel. 'n Analise van die politieke partye se toegang tot die hooftelevisie-nuusbulletins bevestig die hipotese dat die ZBC steeds die vorige enkel regerende ZANU (PF)-party wat in beheer van die inligtingsministerie in die GNU is, bevoordeel. Die slotsom is dat, aangesien die ZBC, 'n openbaar-gefinansierde instansie, ontoeganklik vir verskillende politieke partye en burgerlike gemeenskapsgroepe is, hulle van deelname aan 'n belangrike nasiebouproses uitgesluit is. Daarmee faal die ZBC in sy veronderstelde mandaat van 'n ware openbare uitsaaier, asook sy sosiale verantwoordelikheidsrol, wat hoë professionele gedrag, regverdigheid en objektiwiteit van openbare uitsaaiers vereis. Die studie bewys die ZBC is steeds 'n staatsbeheerde uitsaaier wat hervorm moet word.

The 1980s and 1990s saw major changes in the political landscape of the media in many countries that were either reverting or emerging from repressive nondemocratic regimes. Among the notable changes in media industry was the opening up of the national airwaves, which had been a state monopoly, to private sector and community participation. The democratic dispensation also put state broadcasters in the spot-light regarding their editorial content which was previously ‘institutionalised’ as belonging to the ruling regimes. This study set out to investigate the extent to which broadcasting reform legislation meant to address the unfair coverage of contending voices on Zambia’s public broadcaster has had an impact in reversing the situation in the newsroom. Using qualitative methods of investigation, the study established that while the ZNBC staff understand aspects of their role in their newsroom in relation to the principles of public service broadcasting and in line with the enacted legislation, they perceive that, in practice, they have to ensure that the news content still remains a reserve of a few voices in favour of the ruling regime. This was evidenced by testimonies from the news staff’s complaints of continued editorial interference in their work by government leaders and government appointed gatekeepers, as well as selfcensorship. The study recommends, among other things, the full implementation of the recently enacted laws on the operations of ZNBC in order to achieve some minimum levels of being a public broadcaster. It further recommends a serious re-orientation of the ZNBC newsroom and management staff to the current legislative requirements so as to shift their mindset away from their traditionally-held views of thinking that news at that station is only for the ruling regime.

The premise of this thesis is that the selection of international news to be aired on the bulletins of SAfm by SABC Radio News staff is influenced by more complex factors than could be seen solely from the prism of an empirical journalistic paradigm. Drawing from data obtained through participant observation and interviewing, it is noted that there has been a revolution from a propagandist approach during apartheid to a professional approach following the demise of apartheid, in the selection of international news for bulletins on SAfm. Using Lewin's theory of forces in decision making and locating it within four out of five levels of a framework of gatekeeping analysis provided by Shoemaker (1991) and Shoemaker et al (200 I), it is concluded that the delimiting well-tested routines of newsmaking act as powerful companions of individuals' selection decisions of international news broadcast on SAfm's bulletins. However, these routines are adapted to meet the organisational demands of the SABC, which as a Public Service Broadcaster (PBS) has embraced the discourse of South African nationalism/panAfricanism, as a major philosophy underpinning the Corporation's coverage of the world. Therefore, some individual, routine and organisational factors influencing the se lection of international news broadcast on SAfm's bulletins, are predetermined and co-determined by the social system (the ideological/discursive structure), which is promoted by certain social institutions. Instances of spokespersons of such institutions as governments, international governmental and non-governmental organisations, etc., officiating the news abound; the gatekeepers use them to meet routine professional standards of journalism. This potentially works to sustain the hegemonic discourses of the powerful in international affairs (in tenns of core/peripheral nations relations, and elite classlruled majority relations) though there is a conscious oppositional effort to modify or dwarf stories that explicitly promote imperialism and to hold rulers accountable to the public. It is posited that the time is ripe for newsworkers responsible for the production of bulletins for SAfm to take the risk that may be necessary to inject a few changes in routine practices that could limit the engineering of consent to the powerful elites in the international arena.