The purpose of this thesis is to study the dynamics of two successive military coups in Burma and Peru. Both of these nations have had a military coup, which was subsequently, after a relatively short period of civilian rule, followed by another coup. All four of these coups have had some impact on the civil bureaucracy, yet in both cases the impact after the second coup was much more pervasive. The question that the thesis is concerned with answering is why did the impact on the bureaucracy change as it did the second time around. The answer lies in the military's dissatisfaction with the civil bureaucracy after the 2nd coups. This dissatisfaction resulted from the following three factors: (1) changes in the goals and purposes of the second coups; (2) changes in military personnel between the first and second coups; (3) experiences of military between coups. (a) Both of the first two coups were carried out for restricted goals and purposes. Consequently, the military had little opportunity or need to extensively concern itself with the civilian bureaucracy. For their less ambitious goals the bureaucracy was quite suitable. The second time around, both military coups occurred under quite different circumstances and for different goals and purposes. Contrary to the static orientation of the first coups, the second ones were carried out for the purpose of moving the nation to a more progressive condition and due to the inability of civilian groups to achieve this goal. The civil bureaucracy had serious weaknesses which did not allow it to meet the military's governing needs and the military carried out extensive actions to rectify this. (b) Younger and more radical officers tended to displace the older and more conservative officers in the second coup, whereas the latter dominated the first coup in both countries. These younger officers more rural and of different social origins from the older officers, tended to be much more hostile to the urban middle civil servants. (c) Some experiences between the coups exacerbated the officers' hostility toward the bureaucracy. That is, in one case betrayal by civil servants of military's programs initiated during the first coup, in the other case having to step into an administrative void in rural areas which the military attributed to a weak and inefficient civil service. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis refers to the Evidence Based Policy and Regulatory Impact Analysis. Both of them are important instruments for creating the economic policy. Evidence based policy is based on the collection and evaluation of the relevant data concerning the realization of either government or non-government programs. There are different methods for evaluating. Methods for the evaluation and the process of the evaluation are contained in the first part of this thesis. The second part is related to Regulatory Impact Analysis, which is linked to the production of the better regulation. Evolution of the RIA in the European union and Great Britain, analysis of the quality of the RIA and assessment of the implementation of the RIA into the legislative procedure is the main body of this thesis. The third part is dedicated to the RIA in the Czech Republic. The integration of the RIA into the legislation and the rules for the assessment of the impacts caused by the regulation are described in this part. This part also includes several RIAs analysis. The weak side of the RIA is described as well in the last part.

General practice emerged as a distinct medical discipline in the nineteenth century. As independent contractors, General Practitioners (GPs) have however largely been 'untouched' by centrally derived policy. As a result, the profession has possessed wide discretion in relation to the way they dealt with their patients. However, due to increasing concerns over the cost and quality of care within the NHS, general practice increasingly became a focal point for the attentions of central policy makers who sought to control aspects of frontline practitioner behaviour. In order to do attempt to align the frontline behaviour of GPs with such policy aims, policy makers turned to their main tool, the contract. In this thesis I am concerned with the most recent contractual changes (and its later variants) introduced in 2004. In particular, the study is concerned with the impact of the large element of Pay-for-performance (P4P) known as the Quality and Outcomes Framework (QOF) contained within the new contract. QOF rewards practices on the basis of meeting a number of targets in relation to clinical, organizational, and patient experience indicators. As a result of the scale and prescriptive nature of the targets, QOF had the potential to change the nature of GP work at the micro-level should GPs choose to follow this voluntary policy. Previous evidence in relation to GP responses to other prescriptive policies such as National Service Frameworks (NSFs) and clinical guidelines suggests that GPs responded as workers, specifically as street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) by selectively by choosing aspects of policies based upon the on the criteria of whether or not they made the practicalities of processing their daily workload easier. However, the evidence suggests that there were also instances of GP principal (those that (part-) own their practices) behaviour that did not conform to expected SLB behaviour but instead resembled behaviour that would be expected of those managers who are 'results oriented.' Based upon this evidence and the analytical possibilities the SLB framework provided, the theoretical view of GPs as frontline public sector workers or street-level bureaucrats (SLBs) was employed to understand the continuing perceived impact and responses of GPs to the new contract and in particular QOF. Unlike previous analyses of GPs as SLBs however, this study distinguished between GP principals and salaried GPs employed by the GP principal counterparts. Ultimately, the aim of the thesis was to address the question of whether or not the conceptualization and responses of GPs as SLBs was still relevant and useful post-contractual change. Data was collected (between Feb 2008 and Sept 2009) via semi-structured interviews. In total 62 first round interviews and 24 second round interviews were conducted and analysed thematically. The findings indicate that the financial incentives within the QOF appear to strongly influence the responses of GP principals and reflect their priorities as owners of, rather than workers in their organisations. In addition, it appears that the Evidence Based Practice (EBP) movement means that salaried GPs priorities are also aligned to those of their organisations as they believe most of the QOF to be evidence-based. As a result, the application of Lipsky's SLB framework to explaining GP behaviour in relation to QOF is less useful than previous applications.

My thesis is focused on the personnel management in public administration at local self-government units, which currently gains importance due to the ongoing reform. Human resources form the basis for quality and efficient work of offices. The aim of thesis is to analyze and evaluate personnel management in selected offices of Prague including recommendations for its improvement. The theoretical part, mainly focused on role of official in public administration and activities of personnel management, in addition to scientific literature is based mainly on Act No. 312/2002 Coll., on Officials of local self-government units. The practical part is based on the results of empirical research on which the current evaluation is made and provided recommendations.

Scholars often argue that republican government works because elected representatives adopt policies favored by their constituents. Theoretically, this relationship is stronger with morality issues because such issues are technically simple, involve core values, and thus foster greater levels of citizen engagement. Since the U.S. Supreme Court cases of Casey and Webster, state legislatures have passed hundreds of policies that place cumulatively significant restrictions on women's access to abortion. The increasingly conservative nature of abortion policy might indicate an increasingly conservative electorate, but public opinion on abortion has remained stable since the 1970s with most Americans favoring legal abortion with some restrictions. This is the motivating question of my dissertation - why are states increasing abortion restrictions in the absence of public demand? Previous research on abortion policy in the states has generally focused on specific policies at specific years. Studying a single policy at discrete moments in time carries an implicit assumption that the determinants of policy are constant. In order to better state abortion conservatism, I comprehensively examine the formation of state abortion policy in the different stages of policymaking, across policy types, and over time. I find that the stages of the policy making process invokes different incentives for legislators, and as a result, the determinants of abortion policy at each stage of policymaking are different. Despite obvious differences across policy stages, I find a common theme: legislators create abortion policy in strategic ways, at the margins of the policy making arena, and excluding the preferences of the mass public. In the first empirical chapter, I focus on the agenda setting stage of policy making. Using an original dataset of all abortion-related bills introduced in the states from 2000-2010, I find that the predictors of sponsorship varies across legislator gender and party types. Additionally, I find that the effect of citizen ideology and interest group contributions varies across legislators. In the second empirical chapter, I study the diffusion of nearly 40 pro- and anti-abortion rights policies across the states. I establish a set of average predictors of state policy adoption and show how the effect of partisan actors varies across the policies. In the final empirical chapter, I develop a theory of bureaucratic activism. I use the cases of telemedicine abortion bans in Iowa, insurance bans in Georgia, and clinic regulations in Virginia to show how state bureaucracies take advantage of the broad authority granted to them to enact policy change unprompted by the legislature.

Magister Artium - MA / This thesis is a comparative study of the higher civil service and bureaucracy of Great Britain and the United States. The study analyzes the political framework of the British and the United States systems of governance, examples of administrative reforms in the two systems, and the impact of education, socialization, recruitment, and civil servants as policy-makers. The methodology used in this study involves longitudinal as well as cross-national comparison. In dealing with differences between Great Britain and the United States, the study concentrates on the antecedent variables (constitution, political framework, cultural and administrative reform), intermediate variables (education, socialization and recruitment procedures), and the dependant variables (status of senior civil servants as policy- makers)In the first part of the study, the constitutional allocations of political power, history and the political system in which the higher civil service and bureaucracy operate are analyzed. The purpose here is to show that the bureaucracy and the civil service do not exist in a vacuum, they are influenced by constitutional, political and cultural constraints. The second part of the thesis deals with the education, socialization and the recruitment of the higher civil servants of Great Britain and the United States. This section points to the disproportionate representation of educated, high-status officials at the top of the political and administrative hierarchy of both countries. In Britain, however, there are social traditions built into the education system. The education and recruitment process concentrates on a general approach. In the United States, on the other hand, the specialist tradition dominates the civil service. Thus, United States higher civil servants are essentially specialists. The third part of the study analyzes the impact of education, socialization and recruitment processes on the role and performance of senior civil servants as policy-makers, in both societies. It is evident that civil servants are involved in the process of policy-making and, therefore, have a political role. This is due to the intricacies of bureaucracy and the fact that civil servants relative permanency, experience and expertise gives them a vast amount of knowledge that is relevant to policy-making. The conclusions suggest that the generalist approach applied in Great Britain hampers the capability of senior civil servants when it comes to negotiating with interest groups involved in policymaking. A specialist approach applied in the United Sates should be followed .

The Egyptian authoritarian regime is a mammoth machine created and headed by President Hosni Mubarak as an instrument for the exercise of his own power. His ability to influence every facet of the character of Egypt lies in his previous career experience, the involvement in politics of his immediate family, his commitment to unpopular but lucrative foreign policies, and the bureaucratic obstacle course he created for opposition entities to navigate. Through persistent efforts to prepare himself for national leadership prior to gaining power, then to consolidate his power in the institutions of Egypt, Mubarak has built a state organization with a solid legal basis for suppression of opposition. Using an extensive system of patronage, Mubarak maintains elite support for his continued control of the state. Sustained adherence to the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty brings Egypt significant foreign aid that compensates for some of its economic shortfalls, and affords Mubarak the opportunity to serve as a regional partner in advancing the Middle East Peace Process, reinforcing Mubarak's fitness to rule on the international stage. The maintenance of a pervasive and fiercely loyal security apparatus also gives Mubarak the ability to disrupt any internal opposition activity before it can fully mobilize a call for change. The manner in which Mubarak crafted a democratic facade to cover his authoritarian regime is an artful nod to the Third Wave of democratization; he recognized that to remain in power in the 21st century, Egypt must be perceived as democratic in nature by the international community. That election irregularities, policy barriers to political participation, and single-party control of the legislature prevent the creation of a truly representative government is an important but difficult to prove fact that Mubarak's facade democratic motions are designed to disguise. It is prudent to consider how Mubarak's exit from Egyptian politics will affect the authoritarian system he has built and managed since 1981. The likely accession of his son, Gamal, will keep most power guarantors in place, but the globalizing forces of this century will require a fresh approach to managing domestic, international, and global relations.

Bureaucrats are hired to produce public goods. Yet, despite the distributive implications of this canonical rationale, bureaucrats are generally absent from theories of "who gets what." The three papers in this dissertation advance a role for bureaucrats in the distribution of public goods and services premised on their work in policy implementation. I provide new theory and evidence to answer three questions. The first paper asks the question: under what conditions do bureaucrats’ actions generate inequalities in the provision of public services? The second paper inquires: how does the design of bureaucratic oversight institutions influence a state's capacity to implement policy and citizen access to services? The third essay asks: how does the co-production of public goods by politicians and bureaucrats influence voters' ability to hold politicians to account? In the first paper, I study the conditions under which bureaucratic bias (discrimination) in the allocation of services generates inequality in access. I argue that citizens' principal mechanism of control over bureaucrats is to complain to a politician. When politicians respond to complaints by tightening oversight of bureaucrats, differences in citizens' access to complain induce bureaucrats to devote more effort to groups with the loudest voices. I test this theory using a national-scale factorial audit experiment of Colombia's two largest national social welfare programs to measure bureaucratic effort behaviorally. I find that bureaucrats provide less information about social welfare programs to poor citizens and internal migrants. Consistent with the theory, such bias manifests most strongly in places with greater inequalities in citizens' ability to access the state and on tasks where oversight from politicians is most likely. These results are unlikely to reflect taste-based discrimination or screening. This paper shows that inequality in access to public goods and services can emerge even when politicians' budget allocations to public goods are equitable. In the second paper, I examine the distributional consequences of the use of citizen complaints in bureaucratic oversight. I study the adoption and consequences of bureaucratic oversight institutions in the context of service provision. Specifically, I consider a politician's choice to use (or ignore) information generated by complaints when monitoring a bureaucrat. Complaints generate information that direct a politicians' remediation of bureaucratic decisions and may increase bureaucratic effort. However, when costs of complaint vary across the population, the use of this information generates inequality in the distribution of service outputs, improving the access of citizens that can complain while reducing the access of citizens that cannot. Further, relying on citizen information can build or erode a state's capacity to accurately implement public policies, depending on the distribution of these costs across the population. This paper introduces citizen complaint systems as an institution that shapes both policy implementation capacity and distributional outcomes in comparative perspective. In the final paper, I start from the observation that in many theories of electoral accountability, voters learn about an incumbent’s quality through the observation of public goods outcomes. However, politicians rely on bureaucracies to produce public goods. Across contexts, politicians work with bureaucracies of markedly different qualities. In this paper, I argue that accountability relations between voters and politicians yield different empirical implications at different levels of bureaucratic quality. I introduce a model of electoral accountability with a voter, a politician, and a bureaucrat. The model identifies observational equivalencies between (i.) the implications of pooling equilibria that emerge at high and low levels of bureaucratic quality (with informed, rational voters) and (ii.) the findings of existing studies that are interpreted to indicate a lack of accountability due to uninformed or irrational voters. I demonstrate the plausibility of the model by introducing and validating an original measure of bureaucratic quality in Brazilian municipalities. I use this measure to extend four studies on corruption and accountability. I conclude with implications for the comparative study of accountability across the world's democracies.

1 Abstract: Modern states and genocides: the fate of Turkish Armenians and European Jews This thesis focuses on the relationship of the modern state and genocide and examines how the formation of the modern state influences the development of crime of genocide. It also deals with the similarities and differences between the Armenian genocide and the genocide of the Jews. The work has set two goals. Comparison of both genocides, finding their intersection in relation to the modern state. Furthermore, the approach of the international community to the recognition of the Armenian genocide, which is still an important international theme, and the reasons why it is so. The first part discusses the development of international criminal law, the development of the term genocide and the way of settling the crime of genocide in the legal system. The next chapter focuses on the Armenian genocide. It describes in detail the causes, course and means that have been used to resolve the Armenian issue, including how international society has subsequently dealt with this situation. The following part deals with the basic aspects of the Holocaust in order to explain its course and the reasons for its origin. The Armenian genocide has more space in this part of the work than the Holocaust, as the Holocaust is used here for...

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