The main aim of this thesis is to prove that the style of news coverage of one topic in three different Czech newspapers differs significantly, based on ideology of authors and newspapers too. News reporting should be informative, unbiased, without assessments of its author. However the resulting article is always biased in some way. The author doesn't have to use evaluating words to evaluate; he or she can affect the result by choosing right speakers, placing them in favorable or disadvantageous position or even cut them out of the text. The author can choose which story to tell and which frame to use. This thesis focuses on crisis in the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes in April of 2013, when the director Daniel Herman was dismissed and new director Pavla Foglová was appointed. This event is suitable for the study of (hidden) evaluation and ideology, because it is closely connected with communist history of Czech nation - everyone has some opinion about it, journalists included. After the theoretical explanation of main terms and concepts like signification, discourse and ideology comes the analysis of three non-tabloid Czech newspapers: Lidové noviny, Mladá fronta DNES and Právo. Their story is the main subject of this thesis.

This thesis seeks to show the pattern of red-baiting used in the United States to counter various forms of "subversive" social change. The paper illustrates how the issue of anti-communism was used as a political tool on the national level, and this tactic would trickle down to the state and local level, specifically into the public school systems. Focusing on Orleans Parish public schools, the narrative of red-baiting and anti-communist rhetoric is brought to life through the trials of Fortier High School. This study will chronicle how teachers became the tools of nation-building through state-sponsored "Americanism" programs. Students of Fortier and other high schools in the region were taught that to be American means specifically not to be Communist. This then is a contribution to the continuity of the politics of anti-communism in the United States from the New Deal to the Cold War eras.

The National Labor Relations Act stands as one of the most influential pieces of labor legislation in the history of the United States. The Act defines the rights and responsibilities of both employers and employees. Furthermore, the National Labor Relations Act makes the State into the chief judicial body regarding labor disputes through the National Labor Relations Board. Chiefly concerned with the circumstances that led to the passage and affected the shaping of the Act, factors such as Communist organizing, racial politics of the Deep South, and internal division within the labor movement in the 1920s are examined. Specific case studies include the Auto-Lite Strike in Toledo, Ohio (1934), the Minneapolis Teamster Strike (1934), and the West Coast Longshoremen Strike (1934).

Abstract For most of the Cold War, the United States attempted to maintain friendly relations with the Communist nations comprising the Eastern Bloc, but with no other Soviet satellite was the relationship as close as it was with Romania. No other member nation of the Warsaw Pact took to the United States’ overtures so eagerly. Diplomatic relations between the United States and the Romanian Communist government were established relatively early, almost immediately following the end of the Second World War. However, it was not until 1968, when Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu denounced the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, that the Romanians finally gained the Americans’ trust. Ceauşescu’s 1968 speech attacking the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, and the diplomatic maneuverings surrounding it, was the pivotal moment in the relationship between the two nations, fostering an amicable relationship that would last well into the 1980s.

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The thesis deals with the emergence of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and its development in the 1920s. The first part is devoted to the historical roots of the socialist movement in Austria-Hungary and the Czech lands and maps the birth of the Communist Party from the left wing of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the policy and internal development of the Communist Party in the 1920s in connection with its relationship to the Communist International. It also describes the most important events that influenced the party, individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, their conclusions and in the context there is explained the strategic-tactical direction of the party. The thesis also monitors the development of communist agitation before the parliamentary elections of 1925 and 1929 and the results of these elections. The work uses specialized literature, protocols of individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and articles from the period press. KEYWORDS Czechoslovakia, political party, communism, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, bolshevization

Cette thèse se donne pour objet les relations entre psychiatrie, psychanalyse et communisme durant la période 1934-1985, du Front populaire au déclin du PCF dans les années 1980. Elle étudie cette histoire dans sa relation au courant réformateur de l’ordre psychiatrique institué par la loi sur les aliénés du 30 juin 1838 qui émerge dans le champ médical dans les années trente, jusqu’à la normalisation du sous-champ de la psychiatrie publique à la fin des années 80, courant conforté par l’introduction en France de la psychanalyse. A partir de l’analyse des trajectoires biographiques des psychiatres communistes et de la biographie collective du groupe qu’ils constituent en 1945, il s’agit d’articuler l’analyse compréhensive des raisons d’agir avancées par les acteurs et l’objectivation des positions occupées, tant au plan professionnel qu’au plan politique, dans la perspective d’un engagement partisan rapporté à son insertion dans l’histoire sociale du groupe des psychiatres publics. Articulant sociologie des mobilisations et sociologie des professions, l’étude se centre sur les formes d’hybridation sociale pratique et intellectuelle qui se nouent dans l’action entre pratiques militantes et activité professionnelle vécue comme un engagement.Après avoir mis au jour les dispositions des acteurs et les événements qui créent les prémisses d’une identité de psychiatre communiste, seront étudiées l’action conjointe des mécanismes d’homogénéisation et d’encadrement mis en place par le PCF et les appropriations réalisées par les acteurs, en relation avec les différentes configurations de l’entreprise militante et les reconfigurations de l’espace professionnel. On montre en quoi le capital acquis dans l’espace professionnel est mis au service des objectifs de l’entreprise politique, et en quoi le capital militant est une ressource dans les luttes de reconnaissance de la psychiatrie dans le champ médical. Dans le jeu de ces interactions se construit une identité de psychiatre communiste appelée à se rénover suite à la crise internationale du communisme de 1956 et à l’autonomisation de la psychiatrie qui se réalise en 1968.A la différence d’autres espaces médicaux spécialisés, la nature de l’objet de la psychiatrie, la maladie mentale, met en jeu des conceptions indissociablement médicales et philosophiques quant à la nature de l’individu, à son rapport au monde social et aux normes qui définissent le normal et le pathologique. A ce titre les débats qui traversent la psychiatrie ne sont pas indépendants des controverses philosophiques et du développement des sciences sociales. L’étude s’inscrit donc aussi dans une sociologie historique des intellectuels et dans la problématique du rapport des professions intellectuelles avec le politique. Sont aussi interrogées, les relations entre professions intellectuelles et cadres ouvriers devenus des intellectuels d’institution au sein de l’intellectuel collectif communiste, le lien entre discours savant et discours politique, et les tensions entre définition identitaire et clôture du groupe, et vocation messianique impliquant une ouverture aux évolutions du monde social. En modulant l’image d’un affrontement irréconciliable entre marxisme et psychanalyse, la thèse met au jour un lien fort, fait d’alliances et de concurrences entre le marxisme et la psychanalyse, contre les conceptions biologiques du psychisme. / This thesis focuses on the relationship between psychiatry, psychoanalysis and communism during the period 1934-1985, from the Popular Front period to the years of decline of the French Communist Party (FCP) in the 1980s. It investigates this history regarding its relation with the reformist trend in the psychiatric environment organized under the law on the insane dated June 30, 1838 which emerges out of the medical field in the thirties until the normalization of the public psychiatry subfield at the end of the eighties, reinforced by the introduction in France of the psychoanalysis.Based on the analysis of the biographical career of the communist psychiatrists and the collective biography of the group they constitute in 1945, the purpose is to articulate the comprehensive analysis of the cases for action put forward by the actors with the objectification of their held positions, in their career as well as politically, in the context of a political commitment considered in relation with the shared history of the public psychoanalysts group. Articulating the sociology of political mobilizations and the sociology of careers, the investigation focuses on the various kinds of social, practical and intellectual hybridization that are formed in the action between militant practices and professional activity experienced as a political commitmentAfter having brought to light the players’ capacities and the events that create the premises of a communist psychiatrist identity, we will investigate, the joint action of the mechanisms of homogenization and supervision put in place by the FCP and the appropriations realized by the considered psychiatrists, in relation with the different configurations of the activist undertaking and the reconfigurations of the professional field.We show how the know how gained in the professional field is brought at the service of the political undertaking targets and how the acquired militant know how is used as a resource in the struggles for recognition of psychiatry in the medical field. In the course of these interactions, an identity of communist psychiatry is built up and required to be updated after both the international crisis of communism in 1956 and the fact that psychiatry becomes a self- sustaining part of psychiatry in the years near to1968. As opposed to other specialized medical fields, the nature of the object of psychiatry, mental illness, involves profound logical interrelationships, medical and philosophical conceptions as to the nature of the individual, his relation to the society and the norms which segregate the normal from the pathological. In this respect, the debates that go through psychiatry are not independent of the philosophical controversies and the development of the social sciences. This essay is thus part of a historiological sociology of intellectuals including the issue of the relations between the intellectual professions and politics. Are also discussed,the relationsips between intellectual professions and workers' leaders reaching the position of political institution’s intellectuals within the communist collective intellectual, the link between scholarly and political discourses, and the tensions between assertion of identity and the lock of the group and messianic vocation implying to be opened to the social world evolutions. Modulating the image of an irreconcilable confrontation between Marxism and psychoanalysis, the thesis reveals a strong link, made of alliances and competitions between Marxism and psychoanalysis against the biological conceptions of the psyche.

Le thème de la diaspora roumaine présente une importance majeure dans la recherche historiographique actuelle, étant donné que la préoccupation pour ce segment signifiant et toujours actif des Roumains a connu des évolutions récentes d'une valeur incontestable. Ainsi, du point de vue des investigations historiques, il devient très intéressant de retrouver les racines du véritable phénomène qui a été la création d'une identité de la diaspora roumaine, pour surprendre l'évolution de ce groupe, les relations à l'intérieur de cette communauté et avec les pays adoptifs, aussi bien que l'existence d'une vision partagée par l'exil. Vu que la période des Deux Europes, lorsque la faille entre l'occident et le bloc communiste a été souvent insurmontable, a marqué l'activité la plus notable de la diaspora roumaine et de l'Europe centrale et de l'est en général, une recherche compréhensive sur ce thème devient nécessaire. Une telle démarche a la capacité de compléter les analyses très complexes du communisme, entreprises du point de vue des aspects sociaux et politiques à l'intérieur de la Roumanie, ou bien visant la position de cet État sur la scène de la politique internationale pendant 1945 et 1989. Néanmoins, la dispersion de l'exil roumain pendant la période totalitaire a été immense, ce qui rend une recherche sur ce phénomène dans son ensemble non seulement difficile, mais aussi d'une telle manière trop générale et dénuée de profondeur. En revanche, pour nous, il a été essentiel de trouver et de justifier l'existence d'un noyau de la diaspora roumaine, bâti sur des fondements historiques et culturels indéniables et soutenu par une tradition profonde. Or, tenant compte des données consistantes identifiées, des biographies remarquables des grandes personnalités qui ont modelé la conception de la Roumanie moderne et sa culture et des messages puissants qui se sont fait entendre à une échelle continentale entre 1945 et 1989, c'est la France qui a émergé comme le véritable centre de l'exil représentatif pour une nation roumaine opprimée par le communisme, mais aussi lucide que toujours, au niveau de ses élites. Ayant restreint le thème de recherche à un espace et un segment précisément délimités, bien qu'extrêmement complexes, notre démarche a visé en permanence l'investigation des données qui puissent lui assurer un degré prononcé d'originalité. En effet, le thème de la diaspora roumaine réfugiée sur le territoire français n'a pas été individualisé en tant que sujet d'un ouvrage historiographique jusqu'à présent, ce qui a marqué une carence visible dans l'investigation exhaustive du phénomène très vaste de l'exil roumain. Pourtant, la disponibilité de plus en plus prégnante de matériaux de valeur sur la vie, l'activité et le message des personnalités qui ont fait partie de cette catégorie, comme les biographies, les archives personnelles et des institutions publiques et les ouvrages de synthèse sur des thèmes connexes, ouvre la voie vers une recherche de qualité et avec un caractère innovateur très bien justifié. L'utilisation de la langue française pour cette démarche s'avère une occasion fructueuse d'élargir la sphère de l'accès aux informations de première importance, provenant de l'espace-même où le groupe-cible de notre recherche a déroulé son activité. Ceci est important d'autant plus que la plupart des sources sur lesquelles s'appuie cette thèse se trouvent dans les grandes bibliothèques de France et d'autres pays occidentaux, tandis que les ouvrages et documents découverts en Roumanie complètent une vision d'ensemble sur ce triangle des relations entre la diaspora roumaine de France, perçue comme un groupe unitaire, son État adoptif et son pays d'origine. / The topic of the Romanian diaspora is of major importance in current historical research, given the fact that the level of preoccupation for this significant and constantly active segment of the Romanian population has recently witnessed a series of major events. Hence, from the perspective of historical research, it becomes chiefly necessary to retrace the roots of this veritable phenomenon, represented by the creation of an identity for the Romanian diaspora, in order to assess the evolution of this group, the relations within this community and with its adoptive countries, as well as the existence of a vision shared by the exile. Given the fact that the time of the Two Europes, when the break between the West and the communist bloc often proved to be impossible to overcome, marked the most notable activity of the Romanian diaspora and the one of East-Central Europe in general, it becomes necessary to undergo some thorough research in this regard. Such an endeavour has the ability to further the very complex analyses of communism, focusing on social and political aspects within Romania, or on the position of this state on the stage of international affairs between 1945 and 1989. Nevertheless, the dispersion of the Romanian exile during the totalitarian period was immense, which makes research on this phenomenon, taken as a whole, not only difficult, but also, to some extent, too general and superficial. On the other hand, for us, it was essential to find and justify the existence of a core of the Romanian diaspora, built on undeniable historical and cultural grounds and upheld by a long-lasting tradition. In fact, given the complex data identified, the remarkable biographies of prominent personalities who shaped modern Romanian thinking and its culture, as well as the powerful messages heard at a continental scale between 1945 and 1989, it is France that emerged as the true centre of an exile which became representative of a Romanian nation under communist oppression, but more self-aware than ever before, at the level of its elites. Having narrowed the research question to a clearly-defined, albeit extremely complex, space and segment, our endeavour was constantly focused on the analysis of information that would ensure a high degree of originality. In fact, the topic of the Romanian diaspora seeking refuge in France has not been the topic of any historical thesis so far, which has marked a visible lack in the analyses of the particularly broad phenomenon of the Romanian exile. Nevertheless, the availability of ever more prominent materials on the life, activity and message of those personalities that were part of this category, such as biographies, personal and public archives, as well as complex studies on relevant subjects, paves the way for quality and deeply innovative research. The use of the French language for this thesis becomes a fruitful opportunity which broadens the horizon of access to valuable information, from the very area where the target group of our research was active. This is significant all the more because the sources our thesis relies on can be found in major French libraries and those of other western countries, whilst the papers and documents discovered in Romania are meant to complete an overall picture of this triangle of relations between the Romanian diaspora in France - perceived as a united front -, its adoptive nation and its country of origin.

Esta tese tem por objeto as relações entre o marxismo de matriz comunista e o nacionalismo popular no Peru, entre os anos 1920 e19 30, e no Brasil, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Parto da hipótese de que foram essas duas correntes ideológicas concorrentes que plasmaram, entre os anos 1920 e a Revolução Cubana, o universo político-ideológico das esquerdas latino-americanas, em particular, e das classes subalternas do subcontinente, de modo geral. O maior sucesso dos nacionalistas populares em ganhar a adesão dos trabalhadores se deveria à incompreensão dos comunistas em relação à especificidade da questão nacional na região, isto é: o caráter inconcluso da formação das comunidades imaginadas nacionais, tanto pela exclusão da cidadania de amplas camadas populares, como pela dependência externa. Ao longo do trabalho, procurarei demonstrar como essa relação seguiu padrões opostos nos dois países: indo de uma origem comum à hostilidade, no primeiro caso, e do conflito à aliança, no segundo. Explicarei esses padrões divergentes, tanto pelas diferenças entre as respectivas formações sociais, como pelos distintos contextos internacionais, em especial no que se refere ao movimento comunista. Com essa pesquisa comparada, procurarei submeter à crítica as interpretações da chamada teoria do populismo, em especial no que diz respeito ao Brasil e ao problema das relações entre comunistas e nacionalistas no período pré-1964. / This thesis discusses the relationship between the Marxism of communist background and popular nationalism in Peru, during the 1920s and 1930s, and in Brazil, during the 50s and 60s. My hypothesis is that this two concurring ideologies formed, from the 1920s until the Cuban Revolution, the political and ideological universe of the Latin American left, in particular, and that of the subcontinents subaltern classes. The greater ability of the popular nationalists to gain support from the working classes is due to the incomprehension on behalf of the communists of the national problem in the region: the unfinished character of the national imagined communities, caused by the exclusion from citizenship of vast popular masses and external dependency. The work shall demonstrate that the relationship between nationalists and communists followed opposite patterns: going from a common background to hostility in the first case, and from conflict to alliance in the second. With this comparative research, I seek to criticize the interpretations inspired by the theory of populism, especially in the Brazilian case and on the subject of the communist/nationalist relations in the pre-1964 period.

Thesis advisor: James Cronin / This paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.