Le constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire en France et en Chine est enraciné profondément dans l’histoire pré-moderne. La Révolution de 1789, ainsi que les trois Constitutions consécutives, en 1791, 1793 et 1795, ont combiné la « Constitution » et la « révolution » d’une façon sans précédent. Une logique semblable s’expose dans le parcours historique de ces deux pays. La Déclaration de 1789 et la Constitution de 1791 ont ouvert la voie vers un futur idéal, qui fut bientôt désenchanté par les conflits réels, surtout par la lutte entre l’autorité royale et le pouvoir législatif. De même, après la fin de la dynastie en Chine, on a aperçu également le conflit entre les pouvoirs exécutif et législatif, par lequel la « Première République » a été conduite dans une impasse. Au fur et à mesure de la turbulence de la Révolution, on assiste à la succession de plusieurs textes constitutionnels des deux côtés, qui reflètent la ressemblance non seulement entre les girondins et le Kuomintang, mais aussi entre les Montagnards et le Parti communiste chinois. Inaugurés semblablement par un coup d’État, les régimes « thermidoriens » ont été mis sur pied tant en France qu’en Chine. La Constitution de 1795 a tenté de maintenir le pouvoir aux mains des thermidoriens pour éviter la nouvelle dictature, mais sans succès. Au contraire, le régime communiste chinois s’efforce également de contrôler le pouvoir, avec succès, grâce à l’institution révisée selon la circonstance. Ainsi, compte tenu du rôle du Parti, le processus du constitutionnalisme se présente plus étendu en Chine. Pour ces deux pays, le constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire révèle effectivement le destin commun dans l’ère de modernité. / The revolutionary constitutionalism in France and in China is deeply rooted in the pre-modern history. The Revolution of 1789 and the three consecutive Constitutions in 1791, 1793 and 1795, combined the "Constitution" and the "revolution" an unprecedented way. The same logic is exposed in the historic journey in France and in China. The Declaration of 1789 and the Constitution of 1791 have paved the way toward an ideal future, which was soon disillusioned by the real conflicts, especially the struggle between the royal authority and the legislature. Similarly, after the end of the dynasty in China, we also saw the conflict between the executive and legislative branches, by which the "First Republic" has been led to an impasse. As the turbulence of the Revolution went on, several constitutions of both sides have been promulgated, which reflect the similarity not only between the Girondins and the Kuomintang, but also between the Montagnards and the Chinese Communist Party. Similarly resulted by a coup d’etat, the "Thermidorian" regime was established in France and China. The Constitution of 1795 sought to maintain the power in the hands of the Thermidorians to avoid new dictatorship, but without success. Instead, the Chinese Communist regime is also trying to control the power, successfully, by means of the constitution revised according to circumstances. Thus, given the role of the Party, the process of constitutionalism appears more dimensions in China. After all, for both countries, the revolutionary constitutionalism actually reveals the common destiny in the era of modernity.

Constitution et économie / Constitution and economy

In this study, I undertake a discourse analysis of struggles over representation as they were manifested in the Charlottetown referendum campaign. I utilize transcripts taken during the campaign derived from the CBC news programs The National, The Journal, and Sunday Report as well as from The CTV News. The issue of (im-)partiality provides the analytical focus for this study. Who can legitimately speak on behalf of whom, or, to what extent do individuals have a particular voice which places limitations on whom they can represent? On the one hand, underlying what I call the ‘universalistic’ discourse is the premise that human beings can act in an impartial manner so that all individuals have the capacity to speak or act in the interests of all other individuals regardless of the group(s) to which they belong. On the other hand, a competing discourse based on group-difference’ maintains that all representatives express partial voices depending on their group-based characteristics. I argue that the universalistic discourse was hegemonic in the transcripts but, at the same time, the group-difference discourse was successful at articulating powerful counter-hegemonic resistance. Ironically, the universalistic discourse was hegemonic despite widespread assumptions of partiality on the basis of province, region, language, and Aboriginality. This was possible because the universalistic discourse subsumed territorial notions of partiality within itself. In contrast, I argue that assumptions of Aboriginal partiality will likely diffuse themselves to other categories, beginning with gender, in the future. I also describe the strategies used by the competing discourses to undermine one another. The universalistic discourse successfully portrayed the group-difference discourse as an inversion to a dangerous apartheid-style society where individuals were forced to exist within group-based categories. The group-difference discourse used the strategy of anomaly to demonstrate that individuals were inevitably categorized in the universalistic discourse; impartiality was a facade for a highly-partial ruling class. In examining these strategies, I demonstrate that the group-difference discourse justified its own position by making assumptions about the operation of power and dominance in society. Thus, impartiality was impossible not for the post-modern reason that inherent differences make representation highly problematic, but because power relations hinder the ability of representatives to act in a truly impartial manner. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Les préambules constitutionnels sont répandus à travers le monde, depuis le constitutionnalisme de la fin du XVIIIème. A ce jour, plus de deux constitutions sur trois dans le monde en sont précédées. Pourtant, leur nature suscite un faible intérêt pour la doctrine, voire même un rejet. Pourtant, l'intérêt que leur porte constituants contemporains et l'utilisation qui en est faite par les juges constitutionnels invalide cette position de principe. Il convient de s'attacher à la variété des préambules constitutionnels à travers le monde, en dégager des fonctions et comprendre leurs utilisations contentieuses (ce qui n'exclut nullement la possibilité que certaines juridictions constitutionnelles ne s'y réfèrent pas). A ces fins, une approche marco-comparative puis micro-comparative semblent nécessaires pour embrasser cet objet juridique rarement étudié de manière systématique. / Constitutional Preambles are worldwide spread from the late 18st Century constitutionalism. And today, more than two to three constitutions are opened with such a Preamble. Yet, regarding to their particuliar nature, law studies dealing with them are quite rare, if not deny them. However, the certain onstituents'interest to them and their use by constitutional judges just disprove it. A broad and methodic study dealing with the wide range of Preambles shall be established in ordre to understand their functions and their judicial uses - though a jurisdiction can not use them. To that end, a broad - macro-comparativ - and then a micro-comparativ study must be done, since a systematic study on Preambles has not been done.

Le droit constitutionnel vit aujourd’hui un rayonnement sans précédents. Cette splendeur est la conséquence d'un long processus historique de maturation juridique qui s’est accéléré durant les derniers temps. La généralisation du mouvement de constitutionnalisation est l’un des principaux résultats de ce processus juridique qui amène le remplacement de cette discipline juridique. Ainsi, la constitutionnalisation est-elle considérée comme un phénomène juridique complexe qui se produit par l'irradiation du pouvoir normatif de la constitution sur tout l'ordre juridique. Actuellement, avec l'adoption généralisée du constitutionnalisme, l’influence de la force normative constitutionnelle est vivement présente dans la plupart des systèmes juridiques. Du même, le processus constitutionnalisant est par conséquence responsable des importantes transformations contemporaines du droit public que particulièrement entraînent une dense spécialisation des disciplines inspirées dans une efficace protection de l’intérêt public. C’est à propos de cette question qu’on perçoit qu'il existe une profonde influence de la valeur juridique constitutionnelle sur le domaine du droit public où est enrichie la notion de chose publique. Pour cela, il existe un rapport naturel et essentiel dans l’évolution commune entre la notion d’État et pouvoir politique. La constitutionnalisation devient actuellement un des phénomènes plus répandus, sa récurrence dans l'ordre juridique révèle une tendance à la consolidation du pouvoir normatif de la Constitution et la ferme détermination à garantir l’efficacité des droits reconnus au texte constitutionnel. Deux arguments permettent d’expliquer l’origine de ce phénomène, le premier, est lié au développement propre des concepts de la théorie constitutionnelle et correspond à ce que l’on pourrait appeler des causes générales. Le second renvoie aux éléments particulières qui caractérisant chaque branche de droit touchée par la constitutionnalisation à ce que l’on pourrait appeler des – causes spécifiques. On observe par exemple une certaine complexité dans le processus de constitutionnalisation du droit administratif qu’on pourrait expliquer en raison de la proximité théorique avec le droit constitutionnel. En termes pratiques dans le cas colombien la constitutionnalisation du droit administratif a des circonstances propres qui tournent autour de la hiérarchie normative. Ainsi, en premier lieu, l'analyse de la constitutionnalisation du droit administratif devra intégrer l'influence des causes générales du processus. Ce qui nous permettra en second lieu à partir des causes communes du processus de constitutionnalisation, de faire ressortir plus aisément les causes spécifiques qui sous-tendent la constitutionnalisation du droit administratif en Colombie. / In the contemporary world, many states, at different latitudes and with varying legal systems, are experiencing a constitutionalization process of the law as a real legal phenomenon, which presupposes a new look at the constitutional law, based on the recognition of the normative force of the constitution’s law as well as the influence which is spreading in the legal order and which can lead to the unification of law.This new vision of constitutionalism represents a real paradigm shift, especially for legal practitioners, for whom the idea of the hierarchy of law sources, or the main legal point of constitutionalization, is to consider the Constitution as the source of the essential sufficient right placed at the centre of the entire legal order to define the conditions of production and application of the law. Yet today, public law and more specifically the discipline of constitutional law is interested in the holistic understanding of the notion of constitution, and its various facets try to identify the influence of constitutional power to know the real impact produced by the process of constitutionalization on the branches of law.As a result, studying the scope of the constitutional phenomenon has become a subject of much debate in the contemporary world. In general, the focus of the debate remains on public law, the intersection of the normative power of the ‘Constitution’ and the content of the branches of law. In the specific case of administrative law, constitutionalization has a particular endogenous connotation: this phenomenon is systemic and produces an effect of internal collision between the different frontiers of the branches of public law. Indeed, it starts by identifying a common base on the bases of constitutional law and administrative law, which will subsequently have to produce a profound adjustment in the relationship between them.In Colombia, the adoption of the 1991 constitution produced a legal and institutional upheaval. Most transformations have been determined by an ambitious list of rights granted to citizens and the implementation of mechanisms to ensure the supremacy of constitutional norms, and to guarantee the protection of fundamental rights, imperative to the social state of law. There is no doubt that the main institutional reform brought by the 1991 Constitution was the creation of the Constitutional Court and, consequently, of its Constitutional High Court. In this way, in Colombia, public law, and especially constitutional law, have undergone significant changes that have now influenced the entire legal system. Yet, constitutionalization is a process that is present in the Colombian legal order, and research aims to study this phenomenon, which is limited to the area of administrative law, particularly for the case of Colombia.The administrative field in Colombia initially responded in the same way to the French model at the institutional, substantial and procedural level; it is the starting point for finding the interest of the analysis of the constitutionalization of the administrative law of the Colombian perspective.Nowadays, the presence of constitutionalization shows the importance of knowing the relationship between the current dynamics between Constitutional Law and Administrative Law in the role of guarantors of the protection of citizens’ rights in the rule of law. This research work seeks to analyse how the jurisdictional power, and more specifically the constitutional and administrative judges, coadministrate through their decisions, in instrumentalism the constitutionalization.

"The writing of constitutions in Africa in the 1990s seems to have become fashionable after years of political wilderness following decades of one-party rule, military dictatorships and no-party regimes. African states engaged in the process of crafting new and democratic constitutions in search of democratic and legitimate governance based on the free will of the peoples, and to foster democratic traditions. Transition to democracy is a sacred undertaking, the challenge of which is to develop constitutional and institutional mechanisms in the hope of building viable and durable democratic values and practices that would guarantee political stability, peaceful and orderly change of government, the rule of law and the complete respect for human rights. Constitution-making must be seen as a means of bringing peace and creating a stable and prosperous African continent where the people take charge of the governance and their political and economic destiny in complete freedom. This study inquires into the extent to which this goal has been achieved, with particular reference to Swaziland and Uganda. Swaziland is the only absolute monarchy in the Southern Africa region after Lesotho adopted a democratic constitution in 1993, with the King becoming a constitutional monarch. Uganda has been operating under the Movement Political System (MPS) that, until recently, did not allow free political activity. ... The study is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 focuses on the circumstances (context) and gives an overview of the organizational structure. Chapter 2 deals with the concepts and basic principles of constitutionalism, democracy, and human rights. Chapter 3 scrutinises the legislative mechanisms that set the process in motion and how the constiutional mandate was executed. The chapter considers the effect of the enabling legislation on ratification and implementation of the rights enshrined in the African Charter. It also looks at the role of civil society in influencing the process. To a limited extent, a comparative case study of other processes in Africa, especially the South African and Zambian experiences, is made. Chapter 4 is a discussion of human rights instruments providing for the right to participate; article 13 of the African Charter, article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) as well as article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR). A discussion of the content and meaning of the right to participate in international law is made, focusing on the jurisprudence of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as the jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee (HRC). Chapter 5 is conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Henry Onoria at the Faculty of Law, Peace and Human Rights Centre, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"While public participation in constitution-making is recognised under international law, its extent is not elaborated. This has resulted in governments pursuing constitution-making processes that, despite involving public participation, do not involve meaningful public participation. As shall be illustrated in this study, this is the dilemma faced in Zambia. Zambia has experienced constitutional instability since independence. It has had four constitutions since then, and is currently in the process of making its fifth. This will represent an average of a new constitution every eight years: one of the highest rates of constitutional change in Commonwealth Africa. This is an unimpressive record in so far as it is generally accepted that a constitution defines and limits the exercise of governmental power, and regulates major political activities in a country. It cannot, therefore, be frequently subjected to change like any other ordinary piece of legislation. ... This study constitutes five chapters. Chapter one introduces the study. Chapter two analyses the origins and nature of government and constitution. Chapter three examines and analyses the constitutional development process in Zambia from the pre-colonial period to the current time. In chapter four, the making of the current constitution of South Africa is duscussed and analysed. Chapter five provides the conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Edward Kofi Quashigah at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Kenya has embarked on a constitutional making process that is hoped to ensure a transition to democracy. The Constitution of Kenya Review Act, 2008 provides a legal framework for the making of a new constitution. This research evaluates the current constitutional making process in Kenya and focuses on the process undertaken by the coalition government in Kenya and the extent to which the people of Kenya have been involved in the process. This study is important because the current coalition government in Kenya is expected to deliver a constitution before Kenya goes to elections in 2012. It is hoped that this study contributes to the constitutional making process that is currently underway in Kenya. It emphasis the argument that a people driven process is necessary if governments that have suffered political violence and instability are to become stable and inclusive. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Yonatan Tesfaye Fessha, Unversity of Western Cape, South Africa. / LLM Dissertation (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa -- University of Pretoria, 2009. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The Doctrine of Substantial Core of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic in the Light of Rulling Pl. ÚS 21/2014 Issued by the Constitutional Court of the Slovak Republic Abstract Presented paper is concerned with the question of substantive core of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic. The aim of the paper is to analyze the theory of substantive core of constitution in terms of doctrinal debate and of rulling PL. US 21/2014 issued by the Constitutional Court of the Slovak Republic. The author considers it as a crucial subject that is even more current in the light of the abovementioned rulling of Constitutional Court, which may be deemed as groundbreaking. Author of presented paper has focused on several questionable aspects of substantive core theory, analyzing its theoretical and practical development. The paper analyzes especially questions of justification of the existence of constitutional substantive core, its content and its protection, mainly provided by the Constitutional Court. Anylisis of the abovementioned rulling of the Constitutional Court and critical examination of some of its objectionable considerations may be considered as the crucial part of the presented paper. The paper includes comparative analysis of similar theories in constitutional systems of India, Colombia and United...

La dynamique des crises politiques au Burkina Faso a été empreinte de mobilisations multisectorielles ayant entraîné une désectorisation conjoncturelle de l'espace social avec pour corollaire une mobilité des enjeux des confrontations et des transactions collusives d’opposition et de gouvernement. Ces mobilisations se sont faites autour d’enjeux relatifs notamment : à la conquête du pouvoir d’État, au contrôle de l’appareil d’État ; à l’amélioration des conditions de vie des travailleurs ; à la propriété foncière ; à l’intangibilité des règles constitutionnelles relatives à l’exercice du pouvoir d’État ; à l’alternance au sommet de l’État ; à la participation de certains acteurs à la compétition politique ; à la prise de mesures d’atténuation de la cherté de la vie ; à la quête de la vérité et de la justice.Au final, les mobilisations multisectorielles ont été à l’origine de changements politiques qui, selon la conjoncture, ont été soit pacifiques, soit violents.Quelles que soient leurs caractéristiques, les différentes crises politiques ont contraint les protagonistes, mais aussi des tierces personnes à ces crises, à y trouver des solutions par le recours à diverses stratégies.Ces stratégies de sortie de crises politiques se sont jouées autour d’enjeux liés à : la conservation du pouvoir politique, la préservation de la paix sociale, le redressement économique et financier de l’État, le rétablissement de l’ordre public, la quête de la vérité et de la justice, l’obtention du pardon et de la réconciliation nationale.Elles ont donné lieu à une diversité d’initiatives avec pour corollaire une variété des moyens, coercitifs et pacifiques, utilisés pour sortir des situations de crise. En outre, les initiatives de sortie de crises politiques ont débouché sur des dynamiques de transitions constitutionnelles et de justice transitionnelle. Si elles ont constitué des processus distincts, elles n’en ont pas moins eu des finalités communes : la garantie des droits et la reconstruction de l’État de droit. Ces finalités communes peuvent coïncider de sorte que la dynamique de justice transitionnelle intègre le texte constitutionnel consacrant ainsi sa constitutionnalisation. Finalement, ces dynamiques transitionnelles ont constitué des fenêtres d’opportunités pour procéder à des réformes constitutionnelles et de politiques publiques. / The dynamics of the political crises in Burkina Faso have been marked by multisectoral mobilizations having led to a cyclical desectorization of the social space, with the consequence of a mobility of the stakes of confrontations and collusive opposition and government transactions.These mobilizations were made around relative issues including: the conquest of state power, the control of the state apparatus; to the improvement of the living conditions of the workers; land ownership; the inviolability of constitutional rules relating to the exercise of State power; alternation at the top of the state; the participation of certain actors in the political competition; taking measures to mitigate the high cost of living and the quest for truth and justice.In the end, the multisectoral mobilizations have been at the origin of political changes which, according to the conjuncture, were either peaceful or violent.The different political strategies have forced the protagonists, but also third parties to these crises, to find solutions by the use of various strategies.These strategies out of political crises were played around issues related to: the preservation of political power, the preservation of social peace, the economic and financial recovery of the state, the restoration of public order, the quest truth and justice, obtaining forgiveness and national reconciliation.They have given rise to a variety of initiatives, resulting in a variety of means, coercive and peaceful, used to emerge from crisis situations. In addition, the initiatives to end political crises have resulted in constitutional transitions and transitional justice. Although they constituted distinct processes, they nevertheless had common goals: the guarantee of rights and the reconstruction of the rule of law. These common goals can coincide so that the dynamics of transitional justice integrate the constitutional text thus consecrating its constitutionalisation. Finally, these transitional dynamics constituted windows of opportunity to carry out constitutional and public policy reforms.