This thesis examines the ways in which the rapid economic changes, as portrayed in two Costa Rican novels, Única mirando al mar (1993) and Los Peor (1995) by Fernando Contreras Castro, serve as solid foundation for laying out the deep-rooted economic and political challenges that have profoundly affected not only Costa Rican society but many of the national institutions. It focuses on revealing the uprising unfertile relationship between the residents and the governmental institutions, whose monstrous model of behavior are incompatible with the Costa Rican Constitution and thus, generating a systematic shift in the social norms. It explores the historical and literary Costa Rican context demonstrating how the narrative shade considerable light on the complex system of governance and its fragility in a democratic society. / Master of Arts

In 1902, in an effort to reestablish what they saw as whites' natural right to control government rule over blacks, the delegates to Virginia's Constitutional Convention of 1901-1902 declared the new constitution law that they felt reflected "the true opinion of the people of Virginia." This thesis argues that while Virginia's 1902 Constitution increased the political power of whites and decreased that of black Virginians, the reasons why they needed the document in the first place highlights an important aspect regarding the anxiety of many white Virginians in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Specifically, it helps to show how whiteness as a source of political and social power was not concrete or absolute, but rather was a reaction to the increasing presence and assertion of power by black Virginians. I argue that white Virginians, faced with the increasing political and social presence of black Virginians as equals, sought to reestablish their racial superiority through law and constitutional revision. However, by making their whiteness "visible"-- by continually reasserting their claim to legitimate power because they were "white"-- white Virginians revealed how unstable their racial world had become. / Master of Arts

It is the intention of the author to arrive at a definition of democracy based upon governmental principles which are refutable by none, although further discussion in the light of this definition may not be accepted by all. In addition, it is the objective of the author to make a study of deviations from the Constitution, as shown by certain acts of the agents of government, as well as dangers to our democracy that exist due to certain attitudes and practices of the people.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

The postwar Constitution of Japan is one of the foremost legacies of american occupation. The aim of this study is to describe the circumstances of its creation, to evaluate the roles and motivations of the parties and individuals concerned, and to answer the following question: To what extent was the constitution imposed on Japan and to what extent was its contents a compromise? The study tries to emphasize the role of interaction between the GHQ and the japanese government prior to the presentation of the draft to the Imperial Diet. The focus is put on the analysis of the events of March 4th and 5th, during which the american and the japanese visions of postwar Japan clashed most dramatically.

The purpose of this thesis is to show the influences of the European and Anglo-American law, also called "western law", on the Japanese constitutional system. Even though the theme is rich and interesting, there is a lack of written works in Czech language on this topic, so I decided to produce a work that could offer an overview and serve as a guide to this subject. The thesis combines topics of constitutional law and legal history, while taking note of current circumstances as well. The thesis is divided into two chapters. First chapter examines The Constitution of the Empire of Japan, also known as Meiji constitution, the second chapter explores The Constitution of Japan, the postwar constitution from 1946. These chapters are further divided into smaller parts. First parts of both chapters deal with historical circumstances in Japan that resulted in the adoption of the constitutions, and the dramatic changes in political situation that called for new constitutional documents - be it the fall of the shogunate and unequal treaties in the case of Meiji constitution or Japan losing in the Second World War in the case of the postwar constitution from 1946. Second parts analyze the content of the constitutions and point out sections with western inspiration, or incongruities between the inspirations,...

La terminologie constitutionnelle se développe largement au-delà de la sphère étatique. Le constitutionnalisme européen témoigne clairement de ce phénomène, qui se trouve être en lien étroit avec la protection des droits de l’Homme. Pour autant, ce détachement du lien entre « Constitution » et « Etat » autorise-t-il à penser une Constitution internationale ? Dans l’affirmative, quels sont les liens entre cette Constitution internationale et les droits de l’homme ? L’hypothèse retenue est que, non seulement il existe une Constitution internationale, mais que les droits de l’homme n’en sont pas seulement un objet : s’ils sont saisis par la Constitution internationale, celle-ci est également saisie par le droit des droits de l’Homme. Dès lors, les droits de l’Homme modifient la Constitution internationale dans ses deux principales composantes. D’une part, en influant sur l’agencement des compétences à l’échelle internationale. Si le principe de souveraineté n’est pas remis en cause en tant que tel, c’est bien son caractère absolu qui est affaibli, et la place de l’Etat qui est redéfinie. D’autre part, les droits de l’Homme engagent une nouvelle vision du Bien commun de l’Humanité, à travers laquelle l’environnement figure comme élément clé. / Constitutional terminology has developed far beyond States’ remit. European constitutionalism exemplifies this phenomenon, which is closely linked to the protection of human rights. However, does this loosened tie between the“Constitution” and the “State” allow us to conceive an international Constitution ? If so, what kind of ties exist between this international Constitution and human rights ? We argue that such a Constitution does exist and human rights are not just one of its subjects : they are enshrined in the international Constitution – they have a constitutional value as well as a constitutional remit. Thus human rights transform the international Constitution in two key ways. On the one hand, they alter the organisation of competencies at the international level. Although the sovereignty principle is not questioned as such, its absolute character is altered and the State’s place re-defined. On the other hand, human rights have also substantial consequences in that they are at the core of a superior project in which the environment is a key element of what should be called the “Common Good of Humanity”.

La spécificité institutionnelle libanaise repose sur un cheminement historique qui doit être appréhendé dans chacune de ses grandes étapes politiques. Cette spécificité est fondée sur l'existence des différentes communautés qui se côtoient sur le même territoire. En précisé la nature profonde revient à définir ces communautés sous leurs différents aspects. Il convient de prendre en considération, les mouvements de leurs membres dans les domaines religieux, intellectuels et politico-économiques, ainsi que dans leurs rapports sociaux, tels qu'ils peuvent apparaitre à la lumière des données historiques. Par ailleurs, décrire l'organisation religieuse et sociale de ces groupes et étudier la valeur de leur représentation dans les rouages de l'Etat, est tout aussi fondamental / The Lebanese institutional specificity rests(bases) on a historic progress which must be arrested(dreaded) in each of the big political stages. This specificity is based(established) on the existence of the various communities which mix on the same territory. Specified the deep nature means defining these communities under their various aspects. It is advisable to consider, the movements of their members in the religious, intellectual and politico-economic domains, as well as in their social reports(connections), such as they can apparaitre in the light of the historic data. Besides, to describe the religious and social organization of these groups and to study the value of their representation in machinery of state, is also fundamental

Loin d’être une œuvre de pure théorie, l’écriture d’une Constitution républicaine au XIXe siècle exige de ses auteurs d’adapter leurs convictions idéologiques aux réalités politiques. L’étude des procès-verbaux de la commission de rédaction de la Constitution de la IIe République et des commissions des Trente chargées d’examiner les projets des Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875, révèle justement l’état des forces en présence au sein des Assemblées Constituantes de 1848 et de 1871. Tandis que l’historiographie a parfois laissé penser que la IIe République était un régime aux agencements institutionnels maladroits qui ont servi les ambitions personnelles de Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte et que les Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875 étaient une œuvre purement circonstancielle destinée à sortir d’un régime provisoire, la mise en perspective de ces deux normes suprêmes démontre un continuum des valeurs entre ces régimes. En effet, l’étude comparative des deux Constitutions républicaines du XIXe siècle souligne leurs traits de caractères communs. Ceci peut surprendre puisque la IIe République a souvent été comprise comme une œuvre rationnelle inspirée des premières expériences constitutionnelles françaises alors que le modèle proposé en 1875 est supposé se rattacher au régime orléaniste. Néanmoins cette impression peut être dépassée par la lecture minutieuse des manuscrits des commissions constitutionnelles et des débats constituants de 1848 et des années 1871-1875. / Far from being a purely theoretical work, writing a republican Constitution in the nineteenth century required its authors to adapt their ideological beliefs to political realities. The minutes of the writing committee for the Constitution of the second Republic, as well as the minutes of the Commissions des Trente, whose job it was to examine the various projects for the Constitutional Laws of 1875, allow us to identify the driving forces within the 1848 and 1875 Assemblées Constituantes. It has sometimes been suggested by historiography that the lack of institutional harmony under the second Republic served the personal ambitions of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte and that the Constitutional Laws of 1875 were conceived purely as incidental measures designed to escape a temporary regime. However, the confrontation of these two supreme norms clearly shows a continuity of regime values. Indeed, a comparative study of these two nineteenth century republican Constitutions underlines their common traits. This may appear surprising as the second Republic has often been portrayed as a rational work drawing inspiration from the first French constitutional experiences, whereas the 1875 model is supposed to be of Orléaniste obedience. However, close scrutiny of the constitutional commission manuscripts as well as that of constituent debates for 1848 and the years 1871-1875 easily allows us to overcome that impression.

Depuis la Révolution de 1789, la France a multiplié les expériences constitutionnelles et, après avoir refusé le bicamérisme, a connu depuis 1795 de nombreux régimes dotés d’une chambre haute. Les secondes assemblées républicaines, monarchistes ou impériales ont jalonné nos institutions publiques et politiques. Durant plus de deux siècles, la fonction présidentielle de la chambre haute s’est ainsi progressivement affirmée. L'éminence naturelle d'une telle charge, de même que l'autorité dont elle jouit au Palais du Luxembourg, permettent au président d'incarner la chambre haute. Cela n'empêche pas la fonction de demeurer en retrait sur le plan politique et cantonnée au périmètre caméral jusqu’en 1875. C’est alors qu’elle s’affirme, générant une influence au-delà de la haute assemblée. Son émancipation lui offre des attributions institutionnelles nouvelles. Ces missions sont efficacement remplies, attestant de la maturité de la fonction et permettant à de grands noms d’y être associés : la famille Pasquier, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher… / Since the Revolution of 1789, France has multiplied the constitutional experiences. Most of political regimes have kept the bicameral system. The upper Houses, republican, monarchist or imperial, have thus marked out our institutions. For more than two centuries, the presidential function of the upper House has built its outlines.The natural eminence of such a workload, as well as the authority it enjoys in the Palais du Luxembourg, allows the President to personify the upper chamber. It doesn’t prevent the function from staying back from the political scene and confined to the cameral’perimeter until 1875. Then it asserts itself, creating an impact beyond the second chamber. Indeed, its emancipation giving new institutional attributions. These missions are successfully fulfilled, certifying the maturity of the function and allowing famous names to be related to them : the Pasquier’s family, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher…