Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Domestic violence (DV) in India is one of the most alarming issues that is experienced by over one-third (36.6%) of non-Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe (non SC/ST) women and nearly half (48%) of Scheduled Caste (SC) women (ages 15-49). DV and women’s empowerment are historically interlinked. The patriarchy embedded within social-cultural norms along with economic capability deprivation takes away the freedom of SC women to enjoy bodily safety in public and private spaces. Despite Constitutional measures, SC women continue to face violence-induced capability deprivation due to discrimination at three levels: caste, class, and gender. DV against SC women is an understudied area; there are scarcely any studies on DV in this population using national data. This research used data from the National Family Health Survey-III 2005-2006 (N = 12,069-SC women and N = 45,390- non-SC/ST women). Descriptive statistics and logistic regression were used to examine DV trends amongst SC and non-SC/ST women. Contrary to the study’s hypothesis, having better empowerment (household-autonomy, healthcare decision-making, sexual-autonomy) increased the likelihood of women experiencing DV. However, the hypothesis relating to economic empowerment and autonomy was supported showing a reduced likelihood of DV. SC women were empowered when they had the capability to earn wages; however, they had no instrumental freedom to spend their own earnings. Similarly, empowerment indicators were shown to impact the likelihood of justifying the violence shaping women’s gender norms and attitudes. When compared with non-SC/ST, SC women who have economic and healthcare autonomy had lower odds of justifying DV. Exposure to DV in childhood, early marriage, and husbands’ alcohol abuse significantly enhanced the likelihood of DV. Across most of the indicators, the intensity of DV amongst SC women was relatively higher than non-SC/ST women. The findings emphasize the need for social work practice and policy to focus not only on empowering women in terms on economic and material well-being through ownership, but also assessing if this ownership have instrumental value in practice without the threat of DV. Future research can enhance understanding of DV by examining social exclusion, socio-cultural patriarchy, and the intersectionality of caste, class, gender, and other individualist and community factors. / 2 years

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<p>The 3,000-year-old Indian caste system continues to impact the experiences of Indians across the world. Psychological conceptualization and literature with Asian Indians (AIs) in the U.S have largely focused on the experiences of AIs as a marginalized group in the U.S. and within-group experiences such as casteism has not been considered as a framework for analysis, despite its pervasiveness. As counseling psychologists with values of social justice, caste is critical to consider as a unit and framework for analysis in understanding the lived experiences of all AIs in the U.S. This dissertation consists of two parts that are conceptually related to each other. The first chapter reviews historical, socio-political, and psychological factors in the conceptualization of casteism and theorizes Caste Critical Theory (CasteCRIT), which is based in Critical Race Theory. The second chapter assesses AI psychological literature from the lens of CasteCRIT. The empirical study aims to develop and validate a scale to measure casteist beliefs based in the key tenet of CasteCRIT that casteism is endemic. The Caste Beliefs Scale (CBS) is a 15-items scale with a correlational factor model and measures institutional and interpersonal caste beliefs in the U.S. Implications are discussed for future research. </p>

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Cette thèse s’efforce de redéfinir le concept de caste dominante qui fut d’abord étudié à l’échelle villageoise, dans le contexte de l’Inde rurale des années 1950, afin de le rendre pertinent en l’adaptant aux évolutions contemporaines d’un pays de plus en plus urbanisé, où les mobilités socio-spatiales se sont intensifiées. Pour ce faire, cette recherche s’appuie sur le cas des Kamma, caste dominante originaire d’Andhra côtier où elle continue de posséder l’essentiel des terres, même si ses membres ont migré en grand nombre vers l’intérieur et le sud de la péninsule indienne, dans les nouvelles zones irriguées et les villes. Ils occupent désormais des positions-clés dans la vie politique et économique de l’Andhra Pradesh, et dans une moindre mesure du Tamil Nadu et du Karnataka. La prise en compte du territoire, tel que ce concept a été élaboré par la géographie sociale, est essentielle pour comprendre ce changement d’échelle et de nature de la dominance de caste et pour étudier ses variations régionales. Dans les années 1980, avec l’arrivée au pouvoir en Andhra Pradesh d’un parti contrôlé par les Kamma, le Telugu Desam, la prise en main de l’appareil d’Etat leur a permis de renforcer leur influence. Ils dominent aussi les médias et le cinéma télougous, ce qui leur confère une prééminence socioculturelle. Ces nouveaux attributs de dominance, idéels voire idéologiques, et non plus seulement matériels, permettent de parler d’hégémonie. Celle-ci est toutefois remise en cause par la résistance des Dalit à l’oppression de caste et de classe, tandis que la domination culturelle des Kamma est contestée dans la région du Telangana par les partisans d’un Etat séparé de l’Andhra. / This thesis aims at redefining the concept of dominant caste which was first studied at the village level, in the context of 1950s rural India, to make it relevant by adapting it to the contemporary evolutions of a rapidly urbanising country, where social and spatial mobility is increasing. With this objective in mind, this research explores the case of Kammas, a dominant caste from Coastal Andhra where they continue to control most of the land, even though they have migrated in large numbers towards the interior and southern regions of the Indian peninsula, both to newly irrigated areas and to the cities. They now occupy key positions in politics and in the economy of Andhra Pradesh, and to a lesser extent of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. Taking territory into account, a concept which was developed in Social Geography, is essential to understand this change in the scale and nature of caste dominance and to study its regional variations. In the 1980s, when the Kamma-dominated Telugu Desam Party won the elections in Andhra Pradesh, their control over State power helped them consolidate their influence. They also dominate the Telugu media and cinema, which confers upon them sociocultural preeminence. These new attributes of dominance, which are ideological and not only material, have a hegemonic character. However, this hegemony is threatened by the growing resistance of Dalits to caste and class oppression, while Kamma cultural domination is contested in the Telangana region by those supporting the creation of a State separated from Andhra.

The evolution of nonreproductive castes is a defining characteristic of eusociality. The function and developmental regulation of the altruistic worker and soldier caste is the central element contributing to major advantages of eusociality over solitary animals. The soldier caste is the first evolved sterile caste in termites. Their primary function is believed to be colony defense. However, the function and development of termite soldiers remains largely unknown. Because of their apparent morphological adaptation for fighting and their limited behavior repertoire, our understanding of colony defense by termite soldiers is limited to their physical defense. In addition, we know little about the molecular mechanisms mediating soldier development. In Chapters 2 and 3 I discuss the role of the soldier caste under competition risk. By exposing the Eastern subterranean termite Reticulitermes flavipes to cues of a competitor termite species, I found that exposure to competitor cues reduced feeding, compromised growth and survival of R. flavipes workers. The presence of R. flavipes soldiers largely ameliorated these negative impacts. At the transcriptional level, R. flavipes soldiers can counteract the effects of competitor cues on worker head gene expression. This counteracting effect seems to be associated with genes in metabolism and immunity. These studies demonstrate that competition can affect a termite colony’s fitness by either competitors physically invading the colony and causing damage or cues from competitors inducing a stress response in termite colony members. More importantly, soldiers can contribute to colony fitness by physically engaging in combat, but also by enhancing colony members’ survival under competitor-cue exposure. In Chapter 4, I describe the molecular mechanism mediating soldier-caste differentiation. I cloned the full length cDNA sequence of the R. flavipes Methoprene-tolerance (Met) gene, a gene encoding a putative receptor for juvenile hormones. Using RNA interference, I studied the function of Met and found that this gene essentially mediates the JH-dependent soldier-caste differentiation in termites.

This article seeks to uncover the historical trajectory of the notion of women as repositories of male honor in Indian society and whether there has been a change in the discourse. Through a historically oriented comparative study of two case studies it draws attention to the fact that this perception of women has made them extremely susceptible to sexual attacks from members of opposing communities. At the time of Partition India witnessed large scale religion-based rapes where men of one religion attempted to assert their dominance over another religious community by raping the women of that community. Today the use of rape as a means of power assertion is still prevalent but now it is upper caste men who are seeking to assert their dominance over lower caste communities.This article believes that a combination of legal and social dilemmas is the cause of this discourse that works against the safety of women.