This study addresses chivalric writing and court culture during the reign of Juan II of Castile and aims to examine the changing chivalric ideal in Castile during this turbulent period of Castilian history. My thesis argues that political crisis in Castile led to a corresponding crisis in Castilian chivalry as commentators at the royal court tried to correct the failings of the Castilian nobility. The study is based around the work of Alonso de Cartagena, an esteemed diplomat, translator and the Bishop of Burgos in the latter years of Juan II’s reign. Like many of his contemporaries, Cartagena lamented Castile’s descent into civil war and felt compelled to take up his pen in response to the drawn swords of the Castilian nobility. His Doctrinal de los caualleros, produced in 1444 at the height of the civil war, was a highly critical look at chivalry and nobility in the Kingdom of Castile. Cartagena’s view of the chivalric ideal was one which was fundamentally shaped by the civil war. This study seeks to set his ideas in their broader context and argues that they should be seen as part of a wider Castilian debate on chivalry and nobility. This debate involved a number of Cartagena’s contemporaries including, Diego de Valera, Juan Rodríguez del Padrón, Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo and the Marquis of Santillana Íñigo López de Mendoza. Cartagena, along with a number of these authors, challenged traditional views on chivalry and nobility and instead argued for a view of knighthood grounded in individual good conduct and personal worth, in place of lineage and inherited status. This study argues that the civil war in Castile paved the way for the development of a rich literature of chivalric reform and facilitated the development of the sort of knightly criticism seen elsewhere in Europe in the later Middle Ages. However, rather than simply being a theoretical discussion, the civil war and unique social pressures on the Iberian Peninsula made the debate highly relevant. Chivalry became a vehicle for political criticism and reform. For Cartagena and his contemporaries, chivalric writing offered a means of ending the civil war by addressing what they saw as endemic issues with the rebellious Castilian nobility. My work has thus argued for a view of chivalry as a changing and developing body of thought shaped by the intellectual and political context in which it developed. Chivalry was, in essence, a code of military ethics governing conduct on and off the battlefield. However, whilst its basic tenants of virtue, honour, prowess at arms and piety were broadly similar across Europe, how they were understood differed greatly. Rather than seeking an all-encompassing definition, I have argued that the focus should fall on the differences and complexities within chivalric thought.

Thesis (doctoral)--Facultad de Derecho de Valladolid, 1979. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [281]-290).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1974. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1249-1251).

Thesis--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1965. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Thiago Henrique Alvarado (thiagoalvarado@gmail.com) on 2016-06-28T15:14:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Thiago Henrique Alvarado.pdf: 1878360 bytes, checksum: e8478a68154fdafa66bbad67ff43cd30 (MD5) / Rejected by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br), reason: Rejeição solicitada pelo autor, por favor realize uma nova submissão com o arquivo correto. on 2016-06-29T14:40:16Z (GMT) / Submitted by Thiago Henrique Alvarado (thiagoalvarado@gmail.com) on 2016-07-06T20:34:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Thiago H Alvarado.pdf: 2107694 bytes, checksum: 6dbbe80bd2105150533bfcb342d74fbd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-07-07T12:55:41Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alvarado_th_me_fran.pdf: 2107694 bytes, checksum: 6dbbe80bd2105150533bfcb342d74fbd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-07T12:55:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alvarado_th_me_fran.pdf: 2107694 bytes, checksum: 6dbbe80bd2105150533bfcb342d74fbd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-23 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Na Castela dos séculos XIV e XV, as vestimentas e adornos das mulheres passaram a ser alvo de uma série de prescrições que visavam à sua moralização. Monarcas, procuradores das cidades, confessores e tratadistas alegavam que havia diversos excessos no vestir e adornar das mulheres que colocavam em risco não apenas a sua salvação e a de seus maridos, mas igualmente a ordem natural das coisas e o bem comum do reino. O desenvolvimento das cidades, a retomada comercial e a circulação de diversos bens, como os tecidos oriundos de outras regiões, propiciaram maior variação nas formas de se vestir e menor fixidez nos vestuários dos diversos estamentos que compunham a sociedade. Durante esse período, foram comuns as queixas e as críticas de que certas mulheres não deixavam transparecer seu interior, pois, ao se afeitarem em demasia e não se vestirem conforme a disposição dada por Deus, embaralhavam as referências, ficando predispostas ao vício, predispondo outros a pecar e favorecendo confusões entre os estados. Com o intuito de evitar tais faltas, foram estabelecidas, durante os dois séculos, diversas leis e regras por meio das quais as mulheres deveriam se guiar e serem guiadas por seus responsáveis para alcançarem um uso moderado, virtuoso e proveitoso dos vestidos e afeites. A partir dos problemas apontados em diversos escritos da época, normativos e edificantes, a proposta central da pesquisa é inquirir sobre os valores e as especificações que deveriam pautar a conduta das castelhanas no trato de sua aparência. / In the Castile of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the garments and adornments of women have been targeted in a series of prescriptions aimed at their moralization. Monarchs, prosecutors of cities, confessors and treatises claimed that there were many excesses in dress and adorn of women that endangered not only their salvation and their husbands, but also the natural order of things and the common good of the kingdom. The development of cities, trade resumed and the movement of various goods such as tissues from other regions showed higher variation in forms of dress and less fixity in garments of various estates that made up the society. During this period, were common complaints and criticism that some women left not transpire inside, because when they adorned too much and did not dress as the provision given by God, they shuffled references, being predisposed to addiction, predisposing others to sin and favoring confusion between the states. In order to avoid such shortcomings were established during the two centuries, various laws and rules by which women should guide and be guided by their leaders to achieve a moderate, virtuous and useful use of dresses and adornments. From the problems identified in various writings of the time, normative and edifying, the central aim of this research is to inquire about the values and specifications that should guide the conduct of Castilian women in dealing with their appearance. / FAPESP: 2014/08232-0

Este trabajo intenta ser un breve estudio gramatical de la lengua castellana como se usa en la Crónica de don Fernando IV. El estudio se basa en la edición de la Biblioteca de Autores Españoles de las Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla. Los ejemplos vienen de los veinte capítulos de la Crónica de don Fernando IV., pp. 93-102. El original de esta crónica fue escrito de 1340 a 1352. Hay muchos códices de ella, y la impresión de Sebastián Martínez en el año 1554 fue sacada de alguno de éstos. El editor de la presente edición apunta que la de 1554 tenía muchas variantes, faltas y alteraciones, y por eso él ha deducido su texto del códice de la Biblioteca Naclonal, comparándola con el del Escorial y el del señor Duque de Osuna, y también con la impresión de Sebastián Martínez. Algunos suponen que el autor de esta crónica es Fernán Sánchez de Valladolid, o de Tovar, pero la Academia Española la atribuyó a Juan de Villaizan. El sistema de ortografía empleado por el editor es muy variable, y él lo justifica así: "No extrañen nuestros lectores la irregularidad é inconsecuencia que notarán en el sistema, ó mejor dicho, en la falta total de sistema de la orto-grafia que nemos empleado. La variedad con que escribimos nombres y verbos, unas veces respetando su forma antigua, otras modernizándolos, usando indistintamente de mayúsculas o minúsculas, y desatendiendo completamente los signos prosódicos de las voces, proviene de la misma incorrección que se ve en los origlnales. Hállanse en ellos también blancos y lagunas, que no siempre hemos podido llenar, porque en todos se advierte la misma falta. Trabajoso hubiera sido, pero posible al fin, establecer un sistema uniforme de escritura; sin embargo, habríamos privado á los textos de su carácter, que precisamente consiste en ese desórden y confusión." Esta irregularidad de parte del señor Rosell se nota también en sus fechas. Advierte al lector en la página 119, "La edición de 1554 y los códices que tenemos á la vista adelantan un año en el computo cronológico, como lo demostró el señor Benavides en la reimpresión de esta crónica, hecha por la Academia de la Historia el año 1860. Hemos hecho la corrección en los capítulos anteriores; pero desde aquí conservarémos el yerro del original. Téngase presente." Más tarde, en la página 162, lo reítera; "Respecto á la equivocacion de la cronología, ya hemos hecho la oportuna advertencia." ¿No habría sido más conveniente o seguir el original en todo o corregirlo completamente? / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate

The second half of the thirteenth century is a rather obscure period in Spanish history. Only one fairly detailed Christian chronicle exists for the reign of each of the three kings that ruled during that time. Since these works were not composed until the middle of the following century, especially the earliest years which the author describes, the 1250's and 1260's, are full of anachronisms. The few other accounts that treat of the period are quite brief and of not much help. Alfonso el Sabio had until 1275 most extensive foriegn interests, and his plans have left many traces in the archives of other countries, especially of some of the city-states of Northern Italy. From these foreign accounts many obscure points in Alfonso's reign can be clarified, since it is precisely on the international plane where the Castilian chronicle of his reign fails. Taking Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta's work on the itinerary of Alfonso el Sabio as point of departure, the present essay tries to point out some of the shortcomings of Castilian fourteenth-century historiography. / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate

This paper aims to explore the connections between the rural communities of Early Modern Castile and the saints they venerated through their festivities, relics and advocations and the roles that these relationships fulfilled in their societies. The Castilians of the sixteenth century seem to have used their interactions with saints not only for the purpose of the salvation of their souls, but rather, as ways to ensure the survival of their population, to cement social cohesion and identity, or to preserve the memory of their communities. Through the topographic relations of Philip II, a fantastic source that reproduces the voices of members of rural communities of Central Castile, this paper analyses the boundaries between the utilitarian and the cultural in the worship of saints, and the limits of local culture and identity.

Pere III of Catalonia (1319-1387) began his reign in 1336. As count-king, he reigned over Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. The Chronicle of Pere III of Catalonia covers the years 1319-1369, fifty years of a nearly seventy year life. Pere wrote this chronicle in collaboration with his chancery office. Bernat Descoll was the main contributor from the chancery, and he consulted with the king as he wrote it. The chronicle reflects spiritual justifications for actions that occurred during Pere's reign, such as his conflict with the Uniòns of Aragon and Valencia, as well as his conflict with Pedro I of Castile. In the prologue to the chronicle, Pere compares both himself and Catalonia to several events in the reign of King David of Israel. References to Biblical kings are not featured in the rest of the chronicle; however, there are many general spiritual references to God. It is my contention that Pere chose to emulate David because David was a highly respected Biblical king, as well as the fact that David's history as a warrior could be used to spiritually justify the military actions of Pere. I will seek to prove this by reviewing ancient and medieval interpretations of David's reign, and by analyzing both the representations of David in the prologue and Pere's religious references in the main text of the chronicle. This study shows that Pere used the idea of King David in an aberrant way to serve his own purposes. Prior to Pere's usage, David typically served as an example of a humble, righteous, servant king in political and theological works, not the righteous warrior king that Pere co-opts to justify his reign.

In 1492, the Catholic Monarchs Isabel and Ferdinand conquered Granada, the last Muslim Kingdom in Spain, issued the edict of expulsion of Jews and charged Christopher Columbus to find out a western route to Indies who by coincidence discovered America. These three momentous events led to construction of Spanish national unity and of the Spanish world empire. In this study, what we are looking for is the impact of the first two events, the conquest of Granada and the expulsion of the Jews, on the formation of the Spanish national unity and the Spanish nationhood vis-&agrave / -vis Jews and Muslims in its historical context. In this study, the concept of nation-building would be employed not in economic but in political, religious and cultural terms. This study, by using the historical analysis method, found that centuries-long Muslim and Jewish presence in Spain and the Spaniards&rsquo / fight for exterminating this religious, cultural and political pluralism led to the formation of unitary Catholic state and society in Spain in the period under consideration.