This thesis seeks to explain Argentine and Chilean approaches to modern Pan-Americanism. It offers several significant contributions to the historiography of Pan-Americanism and Southern Cone policymaking. First, it provides a sweeping overview of Pan-Americanism as a form of regional cooperation from 1888 to 1930, gathering the various strands of Pan-American history and forming a coherent overall narrative. It introduces a two-dimensional analytical framework for understanding Pan-American cooperation as a whole. The 'first dimension' included efforts to regulate the political relationships in the Americas while the 'second dimension' was more technical, social, cultural, and commercial. Within this framework, the approaches of two participant countries (Chile and Argentina) are closely examined in parallel. Attitudes towards the US, geopolitical calculations, and economic considerations – the basis of most historical interpretations – form part of the explanation, but this thesis presents a more complicated set of actors, influences, and ideas. Inspired by the methodology of Foreign Policy Analysis and recent studies in modern regionalism, the second half of the thesis deconstructs Pan-American policies. It examines four patterns that emerged through research: changes in the organization of policymaking, the influence of non-state actors and public opinion, the rise of intermestic strands of Pan-Americanism, and the role of ideas in international relations. Each pattern is analyzed and fully substantiated using evidence selected from the narrative and supplemented by wider research. Referencing models from multiple disciplines, the chapters reveal how different actors and objectives (including stemming social crisis, gaining prestige, and demonstrating commitment to democratic governance) influenced policy at different moments. Ultimately, this thesis emphasises the interplay of factors and suggests that unpacking Pan-Americanism has implications for understanding Latin America's role in international history and modern regionalism in the Americas.

This work covering the period 1795 to 1948 has four main features. It firstly examines the role of international and domestic factors in determining regional interaction and cooperation between South Africa and Chile. Secondly, it documents the whims of the international community, and more particularly the world powers which was a motivating factor in Chilean and South African politics, economy, society and their bilateral relations. Thirdly it covers the period when Britain rose to world power status. Eventually, this gave way to her displacement by Germany and then ultimately the United States. This study's fourth feature is that it marks the first documented account of direct contact between the inhabitants at the Cape of Good Hope and Latin America. The period ends with a cornerstone in the history of South African-Chilean bilateral relations when direct diplomatic and consular relations were established by both South Africa and Chile in May 1948. / M.A. (History)

This work covering the period 1795 to 1948 has four main features. It firstly examines the role of international and domestic factors in determining regional interaction and cooperation between South Africa and Chile. Secondly, it documents the whims of the international community, and more particularly the world powers which was a motivating factor in Chilean and South African politics, economy, society and their bilateral relations. Thirdly it covers the period when Britain rose to world power status. Eventually, this gave way to her displacement by Germany and then ultimately the United States. This study's fourth feature is that it marks the first documented account of direct contact between the inhabitants at the Cape of Good Hope and Latin America. The period ends with a cornerstone in the history of South African-Chilean bilateral relations when direct diplomatic and consular relations were established by both South Africa and Chile in May 1948. / M.A. (History)

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-09-27T12:27:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Martins Nakagawa Lanfranchi.pdf: 1531624 bytes, checksum: ff37bbc179ef1ec62ac9e4adb168f7bf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-27T12:27:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Martins Nakagawa Lanfranchi.pdf: 1531624 bytes, checksum: ff37bbc179ef1ec62ac9e4adb168f7bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research proposes acomparison of the Constituent Processes from Brazil and Chile and its consequences in shaping respective election rules.Therefore, the work starts form the historical assessment of circumstantial aspects in Brazil and Chile during the decades of 1970s and 1980s, their institutional and regimental structures within the Constituent Processes, which resulted in the Chilean Constitution of 1980 and Brazilian Constitution of 1988, as well as the most relevant politicians who participated on the elaboration of the Constitution Charter.Thus, the investigation becomes relevant as subsidy for debates around the proposals for an election reform in Brazil, as well as for the comparative researches around the institutionalization of political system in Latin America.By doing so, the investigation carries out a historical systematization of the social and political contexts which motivated the elaboration of election rules in Brazil and Chile. In this sense, proposes a research upon speeches and resolutions recorded in official documents such as Minutes, amendment proposals, draft bills and enacts, building a category of analysis which allows the evaluation of conflicts and convergences, themes and contexts that affected the elaboration of election laws within both Constitutions, more specifically, within the maintenance of representation systems, being Proportional in Brazil and Binomial in Chile, more focused on the diverging and similar elements, both under circumstance or diversity perspective of the rule / A pesquisa propõe a comparação dos Processos Constituintes de Brasil e Chile e suas consequências na conformação das respectivas regras eleitorais. Assim, o trabalho parte do levantamento histórico dos aspectos conjunturais de Chile e Brasil durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980, das estruturas institucionais e regimentais dos Processos Constituintes que resultaram nas Cartas Constitucionais do Chile, em 1980, e do Brasil, em 1988, assim como dos atores políticos mais relevantes que participaram da elaboração dessas constituições e leis constitucionais. Dessa forma, a investigação se faz relevante para subsidiar o debate sobre as propostas de reforma eleitoral no Brasil, assim como para as pesquisas comparativas acerca da institucionalização dos sistemas políticos da América Latina. Para isso, a investigação realiza uma sistematização histórica dos contextos sócio-políticos que motivaram a elaboração das regras eleitorais no Brasil e Chile. Nesse sentido, propõe a pesquisa de discursos e resoluções registrados em documentos oficiais, tais como Atas, propostas de emendas, anteprojetos e projetos de lei, construindo categorias de análise que permitem avaliar os conflitos e convergências, os temas e os contextos, que implicaram na elaboração das leis eleitorais presentes nas Constituições dos dois países em questão, mais especificamente, da manutenção do sistema de representação proporcional brasileiro e do sistema binomial chileno. Portanto, torna-se possível a sistematização de um quadro comparativo das condições que deram origem aos sistemas eleitorais brasileiro e chileno, com foco nos elementos divergentes e semelhantes, seja na perspectiva dos contextos contingenciais ou da diversidade na regra

No description available.

This dissertation analyzes the nature and degree of attitudinal change that has taken place within a key sector of the Catholic Church, i.e, lay leaders, in the period between 1966 and 1987 in two different national contexts, Chile and the United States. It builds on an unfinished study by Ivan Vallier, who attempted to clarify the ambiguous position of the laity in the Church and in society, in implementing the reforms of Vatican II. The author interviewed 96 middle-class lay leaders, plus dozens of informants. The analysis examines continuity and change on three issues. Some key findings include: a significant change in concepts of Church and God, toward more intimate/maternal images that encompass an active social dimension; much greater salience and complexity of the 'democratization' issue, particularly concerning the role of women, in the American Church; and the continuing imperative of the socio-political issue for the Chileans and their demands for more, not less, political involvement by the hierarchy. The results reflect the persistent tensions between 'progressive' and 'conservative' models of change, and help to explain the continuing importance of religion in modern society.

Orientador: Francisco Foot Hardman / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T22:23:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RodriguezAlmonacid_CarmenCecilia_M.pdf: 632920 bytes, checksum: 7591e143884074b28374a551d9fe53bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Que pode aportar um conjunto de obras para a elaboração de uma memória? A literatura procura no passado, indaga nele querendo resgatar, desde uma perspectiva da memória histórica e da experiência individual, as formas de estabelecer um território que ajude a preservá-la. Assim, a memória é forjada e protegida ao fluir pelas páginas que a literatura cria, enriquecendo e transformando a realidade social e cultural na qual emerge. A proposta deste estudo se centra na reflexão da relação entre a memória e a história - os vínculos entre a memória coletiva e a memória individual - e o problema da narrativa dessa memória nas obras do escritor chileno Roberto Bolaño. Assim sendo, nosso trabalho objetiva especificamente traçar um percurso pelas profundezas da memória e do esquecimento, da barbárie e da injustiça na análise das obras Estrella distante, (1996), Nocturno de Chile (1996) e Amuleto (1999), as quais cumprem um papel chave no trabalho de consolidação de uma memória, pois nelas se reconhece sua proposta estética no campo literário latinoamericano relativo à como narrar o passado traumático da sociedade chilena durante a ditadura militar de quase duas décadas. Há nessas três histórias elementos que são essenciais para expor o questionamento que a escrita de Roberto Bolaño realiza perante a violência do Estado, na medida em que sua narrativa apresenta uma severa crítica política na recuperação do passado, desde a matança de Tlatelolco às torturas do Chile de Pinochet / Abstract: What can a set of written works influence the elaboration of a memory? Literature searches the past, questions it to rescue, from a historical memory perspective and individual experience, forms to establish a ground, which helps to preserve it. Thus, memory is forged and protected when it flows through the pages that literature creates, enriches and transforms to easily insert in social and cultural reality from where it emerges. The proposal of this study focuses on the reflection of the relationship between history and memory, the links between collective memory and individual memory, and the problems related to the narrative of this memory in the works of Chilean author Roberto Bolaño. This way, our task aims specifically to trace a way through the depths of memory and oblivion, the barbarian and evil in the analysis of the works Estrella distante (1996), Nocturno de Chile (1996) and Amuleto (1999), which play a key role in the consolidation of a memory, because in those books one is able to recognize his esthetical proposal in the Latin American literature field when he narrates the traumatic past of a society during the military dictatorship that lasted for almost two decades. There are in those three stories, elements that are essential to expose the questioning that the written works of Roberto Bolaño realizes before the violence of the State, in that his narrative presents a severe political criticism in the recovery of the past, from the killing of Tlatelolco to the torture in Chile during the Pinochet years / Mestrado / Historia e Historiografia Literaria / Mestra em Teoria e História Literária

No description available.

L’opposition au coup d’État de 1973 au sein des forces armées chiliennes a été significative. En effet, un nombre symptomatique d’officiers, tout comme un nombre considérable des membres de la troupe, ont répondu « Non » à l’ordre de renverser le gouvernement légitime. Ces militaires légitimistes ont été particulièrement actifs dans la Marine, institution qui vit un conflit entre sa structure archaïque et le statut social de technicien acquis par les marins. Ce derniers perçoivent, avant d’autres secteurs de la société, le danger d’un coup d’État et vont tenter de s’organiser, tout d’abord pour informer les autorités et ensuite pour tenter de le faire avorter. <p>Notre objectif est de retracer l’histoire du mouvement des marins légitimistes et notre hypothèse de travail est que le coup d’État de 1973 n’est pas l’œuvre de l’armée mais d’une fraction de celle-ci.<p><p>Nous avons consulté quatre catégories de sources :<p>1) La presse :6 quotidiens et 2 hebdomadaires opposés au gouvernement d’Allende; 4 quotidiens, 2 hebdomadaires et un bimensuel proches du gouvernement ou de gauche. <p>2) Les essais, documents politiques, témoignages et mémoires, particulièrement les mémoires des quatre amiraux organisateurs du coup d’État. <p>3) Les procès entamés contre les marins dès la fin du gouvernement d’Allende, dont les 6.000 pages du célèbre procès 3926 contre les marins de la flotte.<p>4) Nous avons interviewé 30 marins, ce qui correspond à environ un tiers des marins condamnés par les tribunaux navals sous la dictature. En outre, nous avons interviewé, des militants, des avocats, un procureur, un général de l’aviation opposé au coup d’État, un officier de la Marine opposé au coup d’État et un officier de la Marine favorable au coup d’État. Au total 52 interviews qui totalisent un bon millier de pages.<p><p>L’introduction présente le sujet et explique sa pertinence :les réunions entre les marins et les dirigeants politiques restent un événement souvent cité dans l’historiographie qui justifie le coup d’État.<p>Le ch. I est un travail de compilation sur l’histoire des révoltes de marins au XXe siècle, pour identifier les éléments communs entre elles.<p>Le ch. II tente de situer la Marine chilienne dans son contexte historique et social, rappelant les conflits qui ont secoué la force navale et sa réorganisation lors du début de la Guerre froide et décrivant le contenu de l’enseignement donné à l’École navale des officiers. <p>Le ch. III décrit la vie sociale dans la Marine de 1970 –l’année de l’élection présidentielle– surtout les relations difficiles entre la troupe et les officiers. Celles-ci se manifestent à travers des réactions contradictoires au résultat de l’élection. Pendant les premiers mois du gouvernement d’Allende, un nombre croissant d’officiers manifeste son opposition, alors que des « hommes de mer » (la troupe) s’organisent pour le défendre.<p>Les ch. IV et V couvrent la période qui va de 1971 jusqu’à la première tentative de coup d’État le 29 juin 1973 (el Tanquetazo). Elle est marquée d’une part par l’adhésion de la plupart des officiers aux thèses putschistes, et d’autre part, par un notable développement des groupes de marins antiputschistes. Nous décrivons les relations structurelles entre les officiers et civils conjurés et l’établissement des relations entre des groupes de marins et certains partis politiques de gauche. Ce travail décrit la réunion secrète où plusieurs groupes de marins, tentent d’établir une coordination et discutent s’il faut agir avant que le coup d’État ne soit déclenché ou seulement en réaction à celui-ci.<p>Le chapitre VI couvre les cinq « semaines décisives » qui s’écoulent entre la tentative de putsch du 29 juin et l’arrestation des marins de la flotte, le 5 août 1973. Dans la Marine, la préparation du coup d’État arrive à sa phase finale, avec un affairement perceptible. Beaucoup de marins craignent d’être forcés à y participer. Dans ce contexte, le groupe de marins de la flotte formule une ébauche de plan d’occupation des navires et organise des réunions avec des dirigeants de gauche pour tenter une action qui ferait avorter le coup d’État imminent. Nous avons pu retracer ce plan ainsi que les célèbres réunions avec les dirigeants du PS, du MAPU et du MIR, grâce à plusieurs témoignages de marins et de « civils » présents dans ces réunions.<p>Le chapitre VII décrit la période entre l’arrestation des marins et les semaines qui suivent le coup d’État, décrivant les premières tortures, la difficile situation du gouvernement d’Allende, qui attaque en justice les marins « infiltrés », et le débat politique et juridique suscité par les arrestations et tortures, un des derniers débats démocratiques. <p>Le chapitre VIII expose la poursuite des procès sous la dictature. Parmi les avocats pro deo qui se contentent d’une timide défense pour la forme, nous avons trouvé une défense exceptionnelle des marins sur le plan politique :« le devoir de tout militaire est de défendre le gouvernement légitime », affirme l’avocate Lidia Hogtert, une dame de 75 ans, qui, en 1975, ose défier la justice militaire. En 1988, à la fin de la dictature, lorsque l’ancien secrétaire du MAPU Oscar Garretón se présente devant la justice navale, le cas connaît un nouveau retentissement :après plusieurs condamnations par des tribunaux militaires, Garreton obtient une victoire complète à la Cour Suprême. Il est acquitté de toute accusation pour « sédition et mutinerie ». / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished