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The relationship between mainland China and Hong Kong has not been smooth since the 1997 handover. The relationship has deteriorated further in the past decade, and at the same time the Chinese government has been tightening its grip on Hong Kong with a series of national policies. With this backdrop, some among Hong Kong's media have adopted video political satire as their way of reporting, thereby pushing video political satire into the limelight. Political satire in Hong Kong has a long history, but it did not receive much attention until the emergence of video political satire in the digital age. Hong Kong media that supports both the pan-democratic and pro-establishment camps utilise political satire as a political weapon to criticise and delegitimise the opposing camp. This study has modified Hallin's sphere as its theoretical foundation, and the sphere of legitimate controversy is understood as the battlefield between the pro-establishment and pan-democratic camps. Political satire is used as a weapon to jam the discourse of the opposing camp in the sphere of legitimate controversy. This study investigated the influence of online video political satire in post-handover Hong Kong, in light of the increasingly intense relationship between mainland China and Hong Kong. Six long-held ideological struggles have been used as analytical tools to identify the embedded packages. This study has achieved three research objectives: it has identified the changing face of political satire in the digital age, namely, the shift from political cartoon to video political satire; it has displayed the difference in production synergies from individual-based producers to institutional-based producers; and it has challenged the assumption that political satire is subversive in nature by uncovering the ideological packages of different political camps. This thesis has chosen four policy cases as case studies. These policies are highly related to China and are controversial. This study employed quantitative content analysis, qualitative content analysis and interviews with relevant stakeholders. Results showed that video political satire has room to include more varied information than the political cartoon, including the effect on audio and visual elements. Video political satire also has higher spreadability as it is distributed online, whereas the political cartoon is dissembled via newspaper. The different production synergies (from individual-based to institutional-based) are constituted by individual freedom and the self-positioning as a journalist. This study could link video political satire study in Hong Kong to a wider scope of foreign political satire research, which mostly focuses on individually-produced political satire works. This study also revisits the concept of culture jamming, and has developed an advanced concept called discourse jamming. Unlike cultural jamming, discourse jamming neither assumes that political satire is subversive nor that it is an "eye-opener" which jams mainstream culture. Discourse jamming is a more flexible concept, indicating that political satire can be used by both the pan-democratic and pro-establishment camps.

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This doctoral thesis considers the significance of Australian engagement with China within British imperial history between the late-eighteenth and early-twentieth centuries. It sets out to explore the notion that colonial and early-federation Australia constituted an important point of contact between the British and Chinese Empires. Drawing on a long tradition of imperial historiography and recent advances in British World and Anglo-Chinese history, it utilises extensive new archival research to add a colonial dimension to the growing body of scholarship on the British Empire’s relations with Qing China. In doing so, it also seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the internal dynamics and external relations of Britain’s late-Victorian and Edwardian Empire. The following chapters centre around two overarching historical themes. The first is the interconnection between Chinese migration to Australia and the protection of British mercantile and strategic interests in the Far East as imperial issues. The second is the relationship between Australian engagement with China and the development of the idea of a Greater Britain. Each of these themes throws up a range of fascinating historical questions about the evolving character of Britain’s late-Victorian and Edwardian Empire, the inter-relation of its various parts and its ability to navigate the shifting winds of political and economic change. Taken together, they shed new light not only on Anglo-Australian, Anglo-Chinese and Sino-Australian history, but also serve to illuminate a series of triangular relationships, connecting the metropolitan, Far Eastern and Australian branches of the British Empire.

L’évolution des attitudes françaises face à la Chine entre 1949 et le milieu des années 1980 peut être divisée en trois phases. Entre l’établissement de la République populaire de Chine en 1949 et la rupture sino-soviétique au début des années 1960, la Chine est perçue par les observateurs français comme un pays communiste soviétisé, tant sur le plan intérieur que sur le plan diplomatique. L’attitude des Français vis-à-vis de cette Chine traduit leurs positionnements dans les confrontations de la guerre froide. La Chine est considérée selon les différents milieux comme un pilier du mouvement communiste international, une alternative plus humaine au communisme soviétique, ou une menace « jaune et rouge » pour l’Occident. Ensuite, pendant la période qui va de 1963 à la fin de la Révolution culturelle en 1976, la Chine n’est plus perçue comme un membre du camp communiste. La rupture sino-soviétique et la Révolution culturelle donnent naissance à l’idée d’un « modèle chinois », même si elle prend des formes différentes selon les observateurs. Pour les uns, la Chine représente l’espoir de la régénération du communisme ; pour les autres, elle applique un système opposé au monde industrialisé et nullement imitable ailleurs. La troisième phase couvre la période de 1976 au milieu des années 1980, pendant laquelle les rapports des Français à la Chine se normalisent. La passion française pour les relations franco-chinoises s’estompe, et les opinions françaises sur la Chine sont devenues plus lucides. / The evolution of French attitudes towards China between 1949 and the mid-1980s can be divided into three phases. Between the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 and the Sino-Soviet split in the early 1960s, China is perceived by French observers as a Sovietized communist country, both domestically and diplomatically. Attitudes of French people towards this China reflect their positions in the confrontations of the Cold War. China is considered in different spheres as a pillar of the international communist movement, a more humane alternative to Soviet communism, or a "yellow and red" threat to the West. Then, during the period from 1963 to the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, China is no longer seen as a member of the communist camp. The Sino-Soviet split and the Cultural Revolution give birth to the idea of a "Chinese model", even if it takes different forms according to different observers. For some, China represents the hope of the regeneration of communism; for the others, it applies a system opposed to the industrialized world and not at all imitated elsewhere. The third phase covers the period from 1976 to the mid-1980s, during which the relations between French people and China normalize. France's passion for Franco-Chinese relationship is fading, and French views on China became more lucid.

acase@tulane.edu

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自從蘇聯末期和中國的關係正常化以來，雙邊政治上的發展就不斷的提升，其中歷經了「建設性夥伴關係」、「戰略協作夥伴關係」，後來更簽訂「中俄睦鄰友好合作條約」，更進一步深化了兩國各方面的合作。在國際和區域上，也有著共同利益密切合作。 雙邊貿易方面，葉爾欽時期和普亭時期的兩國貿易往來有截然不同的結果。整個葉爾欽時期俄中貿易每年從未超過100億美元，但普亭時期不但突破百億美元大關，更在未來設定雙邊貿易預期目標達到600－800億美元，朝向另一個高峰邁進，雙邊貿易顯然增溫不少。因此本論文探究兩位總統時期對中國貿易政策的不同與比較。此外，雖然俄中雙邊關係到目前為止的發展良好，但是雙邊貿易合作上仍然顯的失色不少，也是本論文的觀察重點。 但是可以預見的未來，俄中貿易關係仍然會有所成長，特別是俄羅斯認為其國家利益在東方，按照目前的情況來看，俄羅斯東部地區尚未完全融入亞洲的經濟整合當中，兩國的經貿合作仍有進一步改善的空間。隨著兩國的經濟實力都不斷提升的狀況下，兩國各自的經濟發展也尚未達到目標，因此雙邊的經貿關係仍會持續進行，並有可能產生更多雙邊合作的發展，共同創造在未來國際經濟新秩序當中佔有一席之地。俄羅斯應該拋開過去對中國的成見，並努力實現其走向東方的外交政策，才能掌握中國經濟蓬勃發展的機遇，進而帶動本身經濟的成長，為俄羅斯東部創造更有利於開發的條件，這將是俄羅斯未來經濟發展重要的關鍵道路。 / Since the late period of USSR, the relationship between China and Russia has been promoting continuously. The “Sino-Russia Treaty of Friendship” enhances and deepens cooperation of both sides. Russia and China share common interest and cooperate together closely in international community and also in regions. As for bilateral trade aspect, the trade relationship of China and Russia has significant differences under Yeltsin and Putin period. Under Yeltsin period, the Sino-Russia trade has never over 10 billion US dollars annually, however, under Putin’s regime, annually the invest is over 10 million and also set up a goal of 60-80 billion US dollars annually, it is obvious that the both side trade relationship has been “heated up” a lot. Besides, although the bilateral relationship of China and Russia had a good progress, the trade cooperation of both sides still has space for improvement. This is one of the main issues which are observed in this research. According to current situation, the trade cooperation of both countries still has spaces for improvement because the east region of Russia has not been completely integrated into part of economic integration in Asia. However, the author contend that due to economic powers of China and Russia have been growing continuously and their economic developments have not yet reached the goals, so trade cooperation of both countries will undergo consistently and generate more opportunities for further cooperation to create an important role in new international economic orders in the future. The author concludes that Russia should abandon bias toward China and realize its foreign policy which is “walk into the East”. By doing this, Russia could grasp the best moment during prosperous economic development in China. Furthermore, it will help Russia overall economic growth and create more beneficial conditions for eastern Russia development.

The development of the People's Republic of China over the last decades is considered being one of the most significant trends in the current international environment. The Czech Republic has also experienced series of political, economical and social changes over the last years. However, the development of the Czech-Chinese foreign relations has not so far reflected these fundamental changes sufficiently. This thesis therefore describes the past development of the Czech-Chinese foreign relations and the development of the foreign policies of both sides and examines options for their mutual cooperation in the future. It is concluded that increased mutual cooperation could be beneficial for both sides for which supporting arguments covering the political and economic fields are presented separately for the Czech Republic and the People's Republic of China. In addition, specific diplomatic, economic and ideological instruments are proposed that might be used by both states in order to intensify the mutual Czech-Chinese foreign relations.

The border, as a space as well as a metaphor, has different meanings to the people in different political and economic contexts. Today, the border signifies economic development, and trans-border connections are gateways to prosperity. However, before economic successes can be attained, both peoples need to develop better skills and strategies to achieve smooth interaction. This research adds to the studies of Asian borderlands which are still few in number. It also provides a new perspective for the studies of Chinese-Vietnamese relationship by offering a bottom-up approach of studying the interactive process of lay people. Furthermore, it contributes to the anthropological study of Vietnam, by linking a Vietnamese ethnography with global economy, transnationalism and modernization. / This research studies Vietnamese-Chinese relationship through the cultural politics displayed in the social interaction between the Vietnamese and the Chinese in the economic activities of trade and tourism in the Vietnam-China borderlands. It examines the dialectical relationship between historical memories and social practices in trans-border interaction in the context of borderland economic development. / With vibrant economic revival in the Vietnam-China borderlands since the early 1990s, there have been increasing trans-border contacts between the Chinese and the Vietnamese. While most recent studies on these borderlands are concerned with the rapid expansion of trade and business, this research looks into the interactive strategies and tactics of the Vietnamese in dealing with their cross-border partners. It goes beyond the public rhetorics that promote economic cooperation, connectedness, and a friendly relationship, and investigates the intricate process of trans-border interaction which is still underlined by much disruption and competition, characterized by the historical consciousness of mutual distrust and suspicion. / Chan Yuk Wah. / "April 2005." / Adviser: Chee-Beng Tan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0234. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 244-276). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in English and Chinese. / School code: 1307.