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This PhD dissertation surveys the development of the concept and the academic discipline of mathematical logic in the transitional period between late Republican and early socialist China. Providing a contrastive analysis of the main developmental aspects of its conceptual variegations, its institutional life and research-related development, this dissertation focusses on the main continuities and discontinuities between these two important periods of its existence in the period of China's modernisation. The main analytical apparatus of this treatise is divided into two main parts. The first part outlines the main developmental milestones in research and teaching of mathematical logic in Chinese academic community in the late Republican period (1930-1949). Its main focus lies on the establishment of mathematical logic as a philosophical discipline in framework of the "Qinghua School of Logic" at National Qinghua University, on the one side, and the beginnings of Chinese mathematicians' research in mathematical logic in the early 1930s, on the other. The second part, on the other hand, closely examines the main three aspects of change which the idea and discipline of mathematical logic underwent in the first decade after the founding of the People's Republic (PRC): from its unique role in Chinese...

This qualitative study sought to explore the Hong Kong Chinese patient's perceptions of an Intensive Care experience and their views on the introduction of feng shui principles focussing on sleep orientations, dietary management and exercise regimes. The study explored the background of feng shui as an authentic traditional Chinese belief. It also explores if incorporating these feng shui principles into the health care setting would provide a positive effect for open-heart patients in an Intensive Care Unit at the Hong Kong Adventist Hospital in Hong Kong. The major inference drawn from this study is that Chinese patients seek culturally related experiences from the health care setting. The Chinese informants showed strong belief patterns in traditional practices of feng shui, however, practiced these within the confines of their homes as these experiences were denied to them in the hospital setting. / Health Studies / M.A. (Nursing Science)

This qualitative study sought to explore the Hong Kong Chinese patient's perceptions of an Intensive Care experience and their views on the introduction of feng shui principles focussing on sleep orientations, dietary management and exercise regimes. The study explored the background of feng shui as an authentic traditional Chinese belief. It also explores if incorporating these feng shui principles into the health care setting would provide a positive effect for open-heart patients in an Intensive Care Unit at the Hong Kong Adventist Hospital in Hong Kong. The major inference drawn from this study is that Chinese patients seek culturally related experiences from the health care setting. The Chinese informants showed strong belief patterns in traditional practices of feng shui, however, practiced these within the confines of their homes as these experiences were denied to them in the hospital setting. / Health Studies / M.A. (Nursing Science)

Cette thèse se situe dans la perspective de la philosophie de l’éducation et de l’art. Elle propose d’aborder, au travers de grands textes issus de la philosophie et de l’esthétique, la question des valeurs éducatives des arts. Cette question est ici considérée dans une perspective comparative et historique entre la culture chinoise et la culture occidentale. Le critère de comparaison, notamment inféré depuis des données de la mythologie chinoise et/ou de la Grèce ancienne, est celui d’approches soit « binaires », fondées sur deux pôles, ce que nous qualifions aussi de « bipolaire », soit « ternaires » ou « tripolaires », avec le rôle d’un Tiers, d’un « milieu ». La problématique ainsi retenue est la suivante :Quelles sont les valeurs éducatives des arts attribuées par de grandes approches de la culture occidentale et chinoise, par rapport à une configuration « bipolaire » ou « tripolaire » ?Au niveau historique, pour chaque culture, deux périodes jugées « significatives » dans le cadre de la philosophie de l’éducation esthétique/artistique ont été retenues. La première période correspond à l’Antiquité. Pour la chine, il s’agit de l’époque des Printemps et Automnes (771 à 476 av. J.-C.), pendant laquelle sont nés les courants philosophiques du confucianismeet du taoïsme. Pour l’Occident, il s’agit de la pensée grecque telle qu’elle est soulignée par Platon et Aristote. La seconde période, ne correspond pas à une synchronie entre la Chine et l’Occident. En revanche, elle se traduit dans un cas comme dans l’autre, par une profonde réforme des valeurs éducatives des arts. Cette réforme correspond pour l’Occident aux Lumières, notamment allemandes, par exemple avec la naissance, au XVIIIe siècle, de l’esthétique sous la plume de Baumgarten. Si la Chine était restée en phase avec la tradition de l’époque des Printemps et Automnes, il fallut attendre l’époque républicaine, à partir de 1919, pour que cette réforme se produise, précisément sous l’influence d’intellectuels chinois qui introduisirent de nouvelles conceptions très influencées par les Lumières européennes.Tel est le parcours historique que propose cette thèse, pour revenir finalement à la question de sa démarche comparative sur la base du « binaire » ou du « ternaire », base sur laquelle oscille l’ensemble du corpus présenté, tant en Chine qu’en Occident. Cette double configuration, repérée au centre des axiologies ici présentées, se prête ainsi, au-delà des valeurs éducatives des arts, à articuler un opérateur comparatif « transculturel » dont la proposition et l’essai constituent l’originalité de cette thèse au regard des approches sino-occidentales. / This thesis is situated in the perspective of the philosophies of education and of art. It proposes to broach, through the principal texts stemming from philosophy and aesthetics, the question of the educational value of the arts. This question is considered in a comparative and historical perspective between Chinese and Western cultures. The object of the comparison, especially inferred from the figures of Chinese and/or ancient Greek mythology, is that of the “binary” approach, based on two poles that we also describe as “bipolar”, or of the “ternary”/“tripolar” approach, with the role of a Third, or a “middle”. The issue retained is as follows: What are the educational values of the arts attributed by the approaches of Western and Chinese cultures, in relation to a “bipolar” or “tripolar” configuration?At a historical level, for each culture, two periods judged “significant” within the context of the philosophy of education/aesthetic/art were retained. The first period corresponds to antiquity. For China, it is the Spring and Autumn period (771 to 476 BC), during which the Confucianism, and Taoist movements were born. For the West, it is Greek thought asemphasized by Plato and Aristotle. The second period does not correspond to synchrony between China and the West. However, it manifests in both cases a profound reformation of the educational value of the arts. For the West, this reform corresponds to the Luminaries, especially German, for example with the 18th century birth of aesthetics in the writings ofBaumgarten. If China stayed within the tradition of Spring and Autumn, it wasn’t until the republic period, from 1919 onward, that this reform happened, precisely under the influence of the Chinese intellectuals, who introduced new conceptions which were highly influenced by the European Luminaries.This is the historical course that this thesis proposes, in order to return to the question of its comparative approach on the basis of the “bipolar” or the “tripolar” configuration. The entire corpus that we present oscillates on this basis, in China as well as in the West. This double configuration, found at the center of the axes presented here, is well suited, beyond the educational value of the arts, to articulate a “transcultural” comparative operator. This proposition constitutes the originality of this thesis with respect to Chinese-Western approaches.

This research project investigates Confucian thinker Dai Zhen (1724-1777) and Jewish thinker Emmanuel Levinas’s (1906-1995) philosophical discourses on desire from a comparative perspective. First, I look at Dai Zhen and Levinas individually each in their own philosophical contexts, while framing my readings with parallel structure that pivots on a hermeneutic strategy to examine their ideas of desire within the larger prospect of the human relation with transcendence. Then, my inquiry leads to a critical analysis of several interesting issues yielded in my interpretive readings of the two thinkers as regards transcendence and immanence and the self-other relationship. Methodologically, my study combines careful textual analysis, philosophical reflection, and historical sensitivity. We might want to say that there is in fact no correlative of the Levinasian desire in Dai Zhen’s philosophy. Dai Zhen’s notion of desire perhaps comes closer to Levinas’s concept of need. However, the disparity of their conceptual formulations does not keep us from discerning their shared ethical concern for the other, the weak, marginalized, and underprivileged group of society, which provides me the very ground for a dialogical comparison between the two thinkers. Henceforth, my writing is hinged on a comprehension of their conception of desire as an articulation of human striving for what is lying beyond themselves, as a redefinition of the being or essence of humankind in relation to the transcendent which in both philosophers’ ethical thinking is translated into a sympathetic understanding of and care for the other, particularly the stranger, the widow, the orphan, the young, the weak and the like. Through the comparative study of the two thinkers’ ideas of desire, I want to argue that “desire,” which is most readily directed to human egoism and instinctive propensity in both Confucian and Western philosophical traditions, can be at once the very driving force to open us to the other beyond ourselves and an actual moral creativity to produce ethical being out of material existence.

This research project investigates Confucian thinker Dai Zhen (1724-1777) and Jewish thinker Emmanuel Levinas’s (1906-1995) philosophical discourses on desire from a comparative perspective. First, I look at Dai Zhen and Levinas individually each in their own philosophical contexts, while framing my readings with parallel structure that pivots on a hermeneutic strategy to examine their ideas of desire within the larger prospect of the human relation with transcendence. Then, my inquiry leads to a critical analysis of several interesting issues yielded in my interpretive readings of the two thinkers as regards transcendence and immanence and the self-other relationship. Methodologically, my study combines careful textual analysis, philosophical reflection, and historical sensitivity. We might want to say that there is in fact no correlative of the Levinasian desire in Dai Zhen’s philosophy. Dai Zhen’s notion of desire perhaps comes closer to Levinas’s concept of need. However, the disparity of their conceptual formulations does not keep us from discerning their shared ethical concern for the other, the weak, marginalized, and underprivileged group of society, which provides me the very ground for a dialogical comparison between the two thinkers. Henceforth, my writing is hinged on a comprehension of their conception of desire as an articulation of human striving for what is lying beyond themselves, as a redefinition of the being or essence of humankind in relation to the transcendent which in both philosophers’ ethical thinking is translated into a sympathetic understanding of and care for the other, particularly the stranger, the widow, the orphan, the young, the weak and the like. Through the comparative study of the two thinkers’ ideas of desire, I want to argue that “desire,” which is most readily directed to human egoism and instinctive propensity in both Confucian and Western philosophical traditions, can be at once the very driving force to open us to the other beyond ourselves and an actual moral creativity to produce ethical being out of material existence.

儒醫是宋以後經過醫學文本訓練的，男性醫者的，文化認同/角色/定位。道醫、巫醫和女性醫者等其他醫者漸成為邊緣他者。儒醫宣稱比其他醫療實踐者更加深諳醫學經典、更加理性。儒醫攀附儒自居，模仿理學門戶互相攻訐，有學派之分。元代婺州朱震亨，「丹溪學派」的創始者，是明代儒醫的典範。本文將以朱震亨和「丹溪學派」為個案，一方面探討儒醫如何建構醫學身體、疾病觀念及其實踐，另一方面探討「丹溪學派」的思想和社會史。 / 第一、二、三章分別從三個角度探討元明儒醫的身體觀。首先，在強烈的「南人」認同之下，元代江浙的士人強調「南/北」身體的差異，「北醫」的療法不適合「南人」的身體，朱震亨被塑造為「南醫」的典範。其次，自劉完素以後，「火」不是日常生活中的火熱之氣，也不是推算運氣的術語，成為元明醫家對身體疾病的想像。據此，朱震亨提出「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀，是明代「丹溪學派」遵守的教條。第三，鬼神病因漸漸從儒醫的身體觀中淡出。道教醫學中的「傳尸勞瘵」，混雜了鬼邪和血氣病因，宋元儒醫卻劃分血氣「虛勞」和鬼邪「勞瘵」的界線。朱震亨將「勞瘵」解釋為「陰不足」病。追隨丹溪之後，虞摶病人見鬼實際上是「心神不寧」，清醫吳瑭認為「祝由科」是巫術，儒醫無法容忍鬼邪病因和儀式療法。 / 第四、五章討論儒醫多樣化的實踐。在臨床實踐中如何治療「陰不足」病，「丹溪學派」並不一致，王綸提倡的「補陰丸」在明代江浙醫者的實踐中廣受歡迎，但來自學派內部嚴厲的批評聲同時存在。明代醫家認為唐宋方書治「勞瘵」的天靈蓋「殘忍」，但紫河車卻是明代常用的治療「勞瘵」藥物。儒醫反對儀式療法，但某些驅除鬼邪的針灸療法，改頭換面依然留存在醫學實踐中，比如「秦承祖灸鬼法」。 / 第六、七章指出，從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」，是元代婺州地方士人建設宗族組織、講習理學、建構地方認同背景之下的社會史，也是蘇州城市醫者專業化、組織化的結果。元明政權更迭之後，「丹溪」弟子進入太醫院，依靠政治權威提升「丹溪」的醫學地位。1450年代以後「丹溪」成為商業書坊的暢銷本，注重師承關係的學派逐漸消解，「丹溪」成為大眾通俗的醫學入門文本作者。清代，考據醫學「丹溪」為通俗庸醫，「丹溪」不再是醫者撰寫醫書、醫療實踐的必引權威。 / This thesis aims to explain how Confucian physicians (儒醫) constructed the medical thoughts and practice. A Confucian physician is supposed to be a well-educated gentleman (儒) and a master of the medical classics. From the 12th century on, Confucian physicians gradually became a new identity of the orthodox doctors, while the Taoists, shamans, midwives and surgical practitioners all became the “others. At the same time, among the Confucian Physicians, different schools appeared. The Danxi School (丹溪學派) was a group of disciples following Zhu Zhenheng (朱震亨1282-1358) from the 14th to 15th centuries in Jiangnan (江南) . Zhu was a gentleman from Wuzhou, who was treated as an ideal model of “Confucian physicians through the whole Ming dynasty. / The first three chapters focus on the medical thoughts of Confucian phycians. Chapter One studies on the body of the “Southerners (南人). People living in the territory of Southern Song identified themselves as the “Southerners. This identity was strengthened by the unequal racial policy under the Mongol reign. It motivated the Jiangnan literati to appeal for a medical knowledge body specifically for the “Southerners, which would focus on treating the ailments caused by the “southern environment and dietary habits. Chapter Two explores the concept of “fire. In the Song dynasty, “fire is an element of the prevalent cosmological theory of “the five circulatory phases and the six seasonal influences (五運六氣) . However, in Liu Wansu (劉完素1132-1208) ’s innovative interpretation, the concept of “fire was internalized into the body structure. Zhu Zhenheng inherited this concept of bodily “fire and developed the theory of “yang is always in excess, yin is always deficient (陽有餘而陰不足) , which was later strictly followed by the Danxi School. Chapter Three investigates the disease of “laozhai (勞瘵) . According to the Taoist interpretation, the disease of “laozhai was due to the ancestor’s sin. However, Confucian physicians developed a new meaning in the context of Danxi’s “yin is deficient body. Demons were gradually excluded from the etiology of the Danxi School. / Chapter Four and Five study on the practice of Confucian physicians. The Danxi School didn’t have consensus on how to treat the “yin is deficient disease. Therefore, the therapy of “nourishing yin (滋陰) was quite differential in individual practices. However, it is certain that Confucian physicians tended to use herbs to treat patients who declared themselves suffering from demons. Religious rituals of expelling demons were excluded from their clinical practice. However, Confucian physicians didn’t refuse to use some unusual herbal remedies such as the placenta, or moxibustion that might function as Taoist rituals of expelling demons. / Chapter Six and Seven analyze the rise and fall of the Danxi School. The reason why Zhu became a powerful medical master lies not only in his medical thoughts or skills but in his social activities. He was very active in the lineage organization and local administration. In the local society, Zhu gained the power and fame as an authoritative Confucian gentleman, though he had never received any governmental position. After the death of Zhu, his disciples achieved successful careers as professional doctors in Suzhou (蘇州) . Later when the Ming Empire was established in Nanjing, most of Danxi’s disciples went into the Imperial Medical Service (太醫院) . After the 1450s, Zhu Zhenheng became a best-selling author and a symbol of the popular medicine. The popularity of his works eventually destroyed the structure of the master-disciple relationship in the Danxi School. The Danxi School gradually disappeared. In the end, because the mid-Qing physicians preferred ancient masters such as Zhang Zhongjing (張仲景 fl. 168-196) to the modern, vulgar Danxi, the Danxi School and their medical master faded away from the mainstream medicine. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 張學謙. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-217). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Xueqian. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 儒醫：宋元明清醫者的身份認同 --- p.2 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫的理性與實踐 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 丹溪學派：醫學思想的社會史 --- p.11 / Chapter 四、 --- 研究說明 --- p.16 / Chapter 第一章 --- 元代醫學的「南/北」身體觀 --- p.18 / Chapter 一、 --- 南宋和元：「南人」認同的多層含義 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、 --- 「南/北」身體觀論述 --- p.24 / Chapter 三、 --- 製造「南醫」/「北醫」 --- p.32 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 丹溪學派的口號：「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 一、 --- 五運六氣與宋人的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 二、 --- 內丹對醫學身體觀的影響 --- p.46 / Chapter 三、 --- 朱震亨的相火論 --- p.50 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.59 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋明儒醫的「理性化」：以「勞瘵」為中心 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 《道藏》文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.62 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 儒醫「勞瘵」與明代社會身體 --- p.73 / Chapter 四、 --- 明代儒醫對「祝由」的困惑 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.85 / Chapter 第四章 --- 「陰虛」病與療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 一、 --- 丹溪「陰虛」病及療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 二、 --- 補陰丸與人參之爭 --- p.93 / Chapter 三、 --- 薛己、趙獻可：從補陰血到補陰精 --- p.99 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五章 --- 儒醫的實踐 --- p.105 / Chapter 一、 --- 道醫「追蟲」儀式 --- p.105 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫勞瘵療法 --- p.108 / Chapter 三、 --- 天靈蓋與紫河車在明代醫學中的不同遭遇 --- p.113 / Chapter 四、 --- 從「秦承祖灸鬼法」到「灸鬼哭穴」 --- p.121 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.125 / Chapter 第六章 --- 從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」的社會史 --- p.126 / Chapter 一、 --- 朱震亨的出身與赤岸朱氏宗族的建構 --- p.129 / Chapter 二、 --- 「儒醫」朱震亨與地方社會 --- p.136 / Chapter （一） --- 朱震亨之行醫 --- p.137 / Chapter （二） --- 朱震亨之醫療產業 --- p.140 / Chapter （三） --- 朱震亨在地方社會的角色 --- p.142 / Chapter 三、 --- 元代婺州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.147 / Chapter （一） --- 地方醫療資源與組織 --- p.147 / Chapter （二） --- 婺州地方士族的網絡 --- p.151 / Chapter 四、 --- 元末蘇州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.155 / Chapter 五、 --- 明代太醫院的「丹溪」門徒（1368-1450） --- p.162 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論： --- p.166 / Chapter 第七章 --- 「丹溪」的大眾化與清代醫學的轉折 --- p.167 / Chapter 一、 --- 「丹溪」文本的製造與流傳 --- p.168 / Chapter （一） --- 「丹溪」文本的製造 --- p.168 / Chapter （二） --- 「丹溪」文本的印刷與晚明私人的商業書坊 --- p.178 / Chapter 二、 --- 「丹溪」權威的下降 --- p.183 / Chapter （一） --- 明清醫者對「南/北」身體觀、療法的不同意見 --- p.184 / Chapter （二） --- 「陰不足」到「命門火衰」 --- p.186 / Chapter （三） --- 考據醫學之批評「丹溪」 --- p.188 / Chapter 三、 --- 結論 --- p.192 / 結論 --- p.193 / 參考書目 --- p.197 / Chapter 一、 --- 一手文獻 --- p.197 / Chapter (一) --- 醫書 --- p.197 / Chapter (二) --- 正史 --- p.200 / Chapter (三) --- 文集 --- p.201 / Chapter (四) --- 地方志和家譜 --- p.203 / Chapter (五) --- 筆記和其他： --- p.204 / Chapter 二、 --- 工具書： --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 近人研究： --- p.207 / Chapter (一) --- 中文專書 --- p.207 / Chapter (二) --- 英文專書 --- p.209 / Chapter (三) --- 中文論文 --- p.212 / Chapter (四) --- 英文論文 --- p.214