Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabio Mariano Borges.pdf: 1041785 bytes, checksum: f2bbd41fcb283e0208ed427e07b747ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-10 / Modern society has brought a new actor that had not existed: the consumer. Unlike the buyer, the consumer was founded under the principles of bourgeois private property, freedom and equality. The birth of the consumer is recent and its genesis is marked by struggles and demonstrations for various times in history have been blurred with the struggles for rights associated with citizenship. Throughout consumer education, citizenship principles were incorporated into the composition, resulting in consumer rights. More than a new character of modern society, the consumer is also a legal category, with voting power, political role, economic importance and impact on society changes and reconfigurations. And the consumer citizen in fact exist? In this scenario, this paper attempts to investigate how the meeting between the consumer and citizenship in consumer relations, specifically in times of Brazilian consumer complaints. From this then, several other issues are raised: who speaks for the Brazilian consumers? What are the meanings of the existence of a public agency that maintains the consumer instead of demonstrations and collective movements of consumers? You can find echoes in the voices of citizens complaining consumers? To answer these questions, the object of study was limited in complaints filed in person at Procon. The methodology we use systematic observation, following the service of Procon consumer claimants, in-depth interviews with consumers searching for Procon personally care as well as accounts of customers not served by Procon, about how to articulate their rights as citizens in crisis situations in consumption. It was necessary to draw a genealogy of the global consumer and Brazil, forming the basis for understanding the consumer / A sociedade moderna trouxe um novo ator: o consumidor. Ao contrário do comprador, o consumidor foi formado sob os princípios burguesas da propriedade privada, liberdade e igualdade. O nascimento do consumidor é recente e sua gênese é marcada por lutas e manifestações que, em épocas diferentes épocas da história, se confundiram com as lutas por direitos ligados à cidadania. Ao longo da formação do consumidor, os princípios de cidadania foram incorporados na sua composição, resultando nos direitos do consumidor. Mais do que um novo personagem da sociedade moderna, o consumidor também é uma categoria jurídica, com poder de voto, papel político, importância económica e de impacto sobre as mudanças e reconfigurações da sociedade. E o cidadão consumidor de fato existe? Neste cenário, este artigo tenta investigar como o encontro entre o consumidor e a cidadania se dá nas relações de consumo, especificamente em quanto às reclamações dos consumidores brasileiros. Várias outras questões são levantadas: quem fala pelos consumidores brasileiros? Quais são os significados da existência de um órgão público que protege o consumido? É possível encontrar ecos da cidadanias nas reclamações dos consumidores? Para responder a essas perguntas, o objeto de estudo foi delimitado nas queixas apresentadas pessoalmente pelos consumidores no Procon. A metodologia que usamos foi a observação sistemática, acompanhando o registro das reclamações feitas pessoalmente no Procon e entrevistas em profundidade com os consumidores quer procuraram o Procon. Foi necessário chamar uma genealogia do consumidor global e no Brasil, formando a base para a compreensão do consumidor brasileiro

Este trabalho busca compreender como elementos das diferentes abordagens de administração pública (Administração Pública Burocrática, Nova Administração Pública e Novo Serviço Público) encontrados no Departamento Estadual de Trânsito do Rio Grande do Sul – Detran/RS interferem no relacionamento da Autarquia com o cidadão. Para atingir os objetivos propostos, a base teórica da pesquisa constitui-se, além do estudo das supracitadas teorias da administração pública, do conceito de valor público e de um panorama sobre o relacionamento com o cidadão por parte das instituições públicas. Uma análise documental foi realizada, seguida de entrevistas semiestruturadas com o corpo diretivo da instituição, com servidores que atuam no atendimento ao público e com os cidadãos. Os dados coletados foram estudados a partir da técnica de análise de conteúdo. Buscou-se identificar elementos que evidenciem o papel do Detran/RS na sociedade na visão das unidades de análise, o modelo de gestão predominante, a percepção sobre valor público e as dificuldades e perspectivas sobre o relacionamento da instituição com os cidadãos por ela atendidos. Os resultados indicaram a predominância dos modelos da Administração Pública Burocrática e da Nova Administração Pública, que coexistem com vários dos seus elementos na instituição analisada. A identificação de uma escassa visão sobre um modelo de administração participativo, como o proposto pelo Novo Serviço Público, somada a elementos burocráticos, como a necessidade de extensa documentação, e a elementos gerenciais, como a terceirização de serviços essenciais, permitem a conclusão de que contribuem para um ambiente hostil para o cidadão que, além de ter de enfrentar dificuldades para o cumprimento de serviços solicitados, mantém-se distante da esfera pública. / This thesis seeks to understand how elements of the different approaches of public administration (Bureaucratic Public Administration, New Public Management and New Public Service) found in the Department of Transit of Rio Grande do Sul - Detran/RS interferes in its relationship with the citizen. In order to reach the proposed objectives, the theoretical basis of the research constitutes, besides the study of the above-mentioned theories of the public administration, the concept of public value and a panorama on the relationship with the citizen by the public institutions. A documental analysis was carried out, followed by semi-structured interviews with the institution's governing body, with public servants whose work is respond to the citizens and with the citizens themselves. The data collected were studied using the content analysis technique. It sought to identify elements that demonstrate the role of Detran/RS in society in the view of the units of analysis, the predominant management model, the perception about public value and the difficulties and perspectives on the relationship of the institution with the citizens it serves. The results indicated the predominance of the models of the Bureaucratic Public Administration and New Public Administration, which coexist with several of its elements in the analyzed institution. The identification of a scarce vision of a participative management model, such as that proposed by the New Public Service, added to bureaucratic elements, such as the need for extensive documentation, and management elements, such as the outsourcing of essential services, allow the conclusion that they contribute to a hostile environment for the citizen who, in addition to facing difficulties in fulfilling the requested services, remains far from the public sphere.

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Mechanical Engineering; and, (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1977. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ENGINEERING. / Includes bibliographical references. / by Zale Anis. / M.S.

Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1980. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: leaves 191-200. / by Marc Douglas Draisen. / M.C.P.

Thesis. 1974. M.Arch.A.S.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Architecture. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography : leaf 121. / by Cheryl A. Amisial. / M.Arch.A.S.

Thesis. 1979. M.Arch--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Architecture. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Bibliography: leaves 220-224. / by Victor W. Karen. / M.Arch

This dissertation offers a new account of New York City's politics and government in the 1930s and 1940s. Focusing on the development of the functions and capacities of the municipal state, it examines three sets of interrelated political changes: the triumph of "municipal reform" over the institutions and practices of the Tammany Hall political machine and its outer-borough counterparts; the incorporation of hundreds of thousands of new voters into the electorate and into urban political life more broadly; and the development of an ambitious and capacious public sector--what Joshua Freeman has recently described as a "social democratic polity." It places these developments within the context of the national New Deal, showing how national officials, responding to the limitations of the American central state, utilized the planning and operational capacities of local governments to meet their own imperatives; and how national initiatives fed back into subnational politics, redrawing the bounds of what was possible in local government as well as altering the strength and orientation of local political organizations. The dissertation thus seeks not only to provide a more robust account of this crucial passage in the political history of America's largest city, but also to shed new light on the history of the national New Deal--in particular, its relation to the urban social reform movements of the Progressive Era, the long-term effects of short-lived programs such as work relief and price control, and the roles of federalism and localism in New Deal statecraft.

This dissertation studies the politics of 'Public Interest Litigation' (PIL) in contemporary India. PIL is a unique jurisdiction initiated by the Indian Supreme Court in the aftermath of the Emergency of 1975-1977. Why did the Court's response to the crisis of the Emergency period have to take the form of PIL? I locate the history of PIL in India's postcolonial predicament, arguing that a Constitutional framework that mandated a statist agenda of social transformation provided the conditions of possibility for PIL to emerge. The post-Emergency era was the heyday of a new form of everyday politics that Partha Chatterjee has called 'political society'. I argue that PIL in its initial phase emerged as its judicial counterpart, and was even characterized as 'judicial populism'. However, PIL in its 21st century avatar has emerged as a bulwark against the operations of political society, often used as a powerful weapon against the same subaltern classes whose interests were so loudly championed by the initial cases of PIL. In the last decade, for instance, PIL has enabled the Indian appellate courts to function as a slum demolition machine, and a most effective one at that - even more successful than the Emergency regime. A recurring sentiment in these recent PIL cases is a deep impatience with the populism that is believed to characterize political life in India, and with the illegalities fostered by it. However, I argue that the enormous powers of PIL stem from its own populist character, which allows the appellate courts great flexibility in being able to maneouvre themselves into positions of overweening authority. With little or no procedure to regulate it, it is increasingly difficult to locate PIL within the conventional rubric of adjudicatory practice. With radical departures from legal norms that further empower the Courts, I argue, PIL has emerged as the vanishing point of jurisprudence. As a weapon of civil society, PIL appears to be a mere legal tool and therefore a classic example of associational activity. But it is really a mirror image of the populist contemporary politics it assails, just without any of the protections that populist political mobilisation regularly requires in a liberal democracy like India. Just as the practices of illegality rampant among India's white-collared denizens make its civil society uncontainable within any conventional notions of civic behaviour, its favourite weapon, PIL, too, has only a thin veneer of legality. The judicial populism of PIL allows for a radical instability that continually pushes the limits of what a court can do. This dissertation, after examining the why and the how of the rise of PIL, will focus on the most intensive laboratory of PIL in recent times - the city of Delhi. I foreground PIL's role in the radical reconfiguration of the city in the 2000s, and go on to critique the limitations of the existing critical discourses on PIL: their obliviousness to its materiality and their insistence on purely ideological and consequentialist understanding of recent trends in PIL. Lastly, I address the conundrum of the enduring appeal of 'debased informalism' in contemporary India, particularly the self-conscious and opportunistic adoption and celebration of it by the most formal of judicial institutions. If the Weberian account of the emergence of modern law was anything to go by, legalism's stock in India should have risen to its highest with the growth of capitalism in the post-liberalisation era. Instead 'legalism' has decisively acquired a negative connotation in India precisely in this same period. PIL is the most striking illustration of this peculiar historical trajectory.

This dissertation investigates the question: what do we want from our democratic institutions and how should we design them to get it? I argue that we want our democratic institutions to promote cognitive political engagement among all citizens and that accomplishing this task requires focusing reform efforts on electoral institutions like mandatory voting rather than small-scale deliberative forums. Democratic theory has been dominated by deliberative theories of democracy for at least two decades. As this literature turned to the question of how to institutionalize deliberative democracy, the inherently limited scale of deliberative institutions like deliberative polling or participatory budgeting has made scholars like Simone Chambers and Jane Mansbridge worry that deliberation abandons mass democracy, and with it meaningful democratic legitimacy. I argue that such worries are well founded because the effective inclusion of all citizens, not deliberation, constitutes the most important democratic value and that as a result, participatory institutions should be arranged so as to promote inclusion, even at the cost of values like deliberation. The first part of the project advances a novel conception of inclusion based on reflective cognitive engagement with democratic politics and demonstrates the central importance of inclusion within democratic theory. The second half of the project examines different institutions for their ability to promote inclusion and finds that, in the American context, most deliberative forums as currently designed are too small and feeble to do so but that adequately reformed electoral institutions like mandatory voting can promote inclusion and reflection well. One important implication is that in a world of limited activist resources and public taste for reform, democratic reformers in the United States should focus their attention on electoral organization and institutions rather than small-scale experiments if they hope to affect mass democracy. This project sits at the nexus of empirical research on political participation, comparative institutional design, and the ethics of democratic citizenship. It considers questions like: when the resources of democratic reformers are finite, what is the most important goal for them to pursue? How demanding of the time, attention, and resources of its citizens must a flourishing democracy be? May citizens opt out of such demands? What specific reforms are most efficient at achieving the proper priorities of democratic theory? Answering these questions requires combining empirical insights about political behavior and the performance of different institutional arrangements with normative and ethical arguments regarding the priorities of democratic theory and the nature of democratic citizenship.

Este trabalho visa analisar a maneira como Condorcet propõe o equilíbrio entre a liberdade e a igualdade por meio da instrução pública, durante os debates que ocorreram durante a Revolução francesa sobre a instituição da escola pública no país. Entre os deputados que propuseram a instauração da escola havia duas idéias de escola que oscilavam entre a ênfase à liberdade e a ênfase à igualdade. Essas duas idéias de escola pressupunham duas idéias de nação, de forma que ao privilegiar uma idéia, outra estaria diminuída ou ameaçada. Para que se sustentassem as duas idéias, porque sem o equilíbrio das duas a República não poderia subsistir, Condorcet propõe um modelo de instrução pública que contempla a ambas. Dessa forma liberdade, igualdade e instrução pública são fundamentais para que se assegurem os direitos dos cidadãos na República. / This study aims to analyze the balance between liberty and equality though public instruction as proposed by Condorcet in the debates during French Revolution about the establishment of public schools. The deputies that proposed the establishment defended two approaches that flow in between liberty and equality. Those two approaches considered two notions of nation, in a way that when privileging one, the other could be diminished or threatened. To support both ideas, taking into account that without any balance between them the Republic could not survive, Condorcet proposed a public instruction model that includes both liberty and equality. In that sense, liberty, equality and public instruction are the base to ensure citizens rights in the Republic.