Thesis (PhD )--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigated the political role of the City Press. black journalists in post-apartheid South Africa. Taking into consideration its ownership by a white media company, the study investigated the role played by African cultural values in the execution of their tasks with a particular focus on the period 1994 to 2004. The interest in the role played by African cultural values in the execution of the City Press. black journalists. tasks, and in the issue of the newspaper.s white ownership, was driven by an observation that historically, the trajectory of black newspapers was to a great extent influenced by the interests and values of the owners. The issue of ownership was of interest also because the black political elite frequently accused black journalists in South Africa of undermining the ANC government so as to please the white owners of the newspapers they worked for. Also, taking into consideration that the City Press played a conscious role in the struggle against apartheid, the study sought to investigate the role the City Press defined for its journalists in post-apartheid South Africa, specifically in the first decade after 1994. Three theoretical frameworks were deemed applicable in this study, namely Liberal- Pluralism, Political Economy, and Afrocentric theories on the media.s political role in society. The first was chosen on the basis of its theorisation on the political role of the media. The second was chosen on the basis of its analysis of the link between the performance of the media and ownership, although that is not the only issue Political Economy deals with. The third was chosen on the basis of its focus on African historical and cultural issues. The study has employed qualitative research methods, namely content analysis and interviews. It has a quantitative aspect in that it involved the counting of the City Press. editorials, columns and opinion pieces, as an indication of how many journalistic pieces were analysed. The period of this study ends in 2004 in the year that the City Press was re-launched as a ¡°Distinctly African¡± newspaper. The ¡°Distinctly African¡± concept had both cultural and political implications for the City Press. journalists. This study covers some of these aspects in a limited way since the research period ends in the year 2004. The research found that in post-apartheid South Africa, the City Press. black journalists. political role was to make sure that the objectives of the anti-apartheid struggle were achieved. It also established that the City Press. black journalists executed their tasks independently without interference from their newspaper.s white owners. The study also established that some of the newspaper.s black journalists experienced tensions between what they perceived as expectations of journalism and what they perceived as the prescriptions of African culture. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het die volgende ondersoek: die politieke rol van die City Press se swart joernaliste in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika, die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die uitvoering van hul taak met 'n spesifieke fokus op die periode 1994 tot 2004, en die konteks van die koerant as eiendom van 'n tradisionele wit media maatskappy. Die belangstelling in die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die uitvoering van die taak van die City Press se swart joernaliste en die kwessie van die koerant se wit eienaarskap is gedryf deur die waarneming dat, histories, swart koerante grotendeels beïnvloed is deur die belange en waardes van die eienaars. Die kwessie van eienaarskap was ook van belang omdat die politieke elite gereeld swart joernaliste beskuldig het dat hulle die ANC-regering ondermyn om sodoende die wit eienaars van die publikasies vir wie hulle werk, tevrede te stel. In ag geneem die feit dat die City Press 'n bewustelike rol in die struggle teen apartheid gespeel het, het die studie ook die rol ondersoek wat die City Press vir sy joernaliste in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika gedefinieer het, spesifiek in die eerste dekade ná 1994. Drie teoretiese raamwerke is beskou as van belang vir hierdie studie, naamlik die Liberale- Pluralisme, die Politieke Ekonomie en Afrosentriese teorieë oor die media se politieke rol in die samelewing. Die studie het twee kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologieë gebruik, by name inhoudsanalise en onderhoude. Daar was 'n kwantitatiewe aspek deurdat die City Press se hoofartikels, rubrieke en meningstukke getel is as 'n aanduiding van hoeveel stukke geanaliseer is. Die navorsing het bevind dat die City Press se swart joernaliste hul politieke rol in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika gesien het as om onder meer seker te maak dat die doelwitte van die vryheidstryd bereik word. Die studie het ook vasgestel dat die City Press se swart joernaliste hul taak onafhanklik en sonder inmenging van die koerant se wit eienaars kon doen. Ook is bevind dat sommige van die koerant se swart joernaliste spanning ervaar tussen eise van die joernalistiek en wat hulle beskou as voorskriftelikheid van Afrika-kulturele waardes. Die tydperk van die studie eindig in 2004, die jaar waarin die City Press geloods is as 'n "Distinctly African"-koerant. Die "Distinctly African"-konsep het beide kulturele en politieke implikasies vir die City Press se joernaliste. Hierdie studie dek sommige van hierdie aspekte in 'n beperkte mate aangesien die navorsingstydperk in 2004 eindig. Dit word voorgestel dat meer navorsing gedoen word met spesifieke verwysing na die tydperk tussen 2004 en 2009, die volgende vyf jaar van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. In die politieke diskoers verwys die swart politieke elite gereeld na Afrika-kultuur. Dit is nog 'n aspek wat toekomstige studies kan ondersoek, naamlik die verhouding tussen joernalistieke waardes en praktyke aan die een kant, en Afrika-kultuur aan die ander. / Stellenbosch University / Awqaf Foundation

NASCAR has become one of America's fastest growing spectator sports, and corporate sponsors have played an important part in this upsurge in popularity. Race teams, drivers, and sanctioning bodies use the income that sponsors provide to operate at NASCAR events. This study provides an analysis of how corporate sponsorships have changed the way that NASCAR is presented in print journalism. Using Burke's method of indexing, NASCAR-related titles in the New York Times and the Johnson City Press from 1950 to present day are analyzed. The analysis reveals not only a steady increase in the number of NASCAR-related titles, but 4 indices of meaning that are most often used (Specific Races/Locations, NASCAR, Specific Names, and Sponsors) and that organizations should consider before they plan to promote their products using NASCAR.

South Africa has long been associated with racial and ethnic issues surrounding prejudice and discrimination and despite a move post-1994 to a democratic ‘rainbow nation’ society, the country has remained plagued by unequal power relations. One such instance of inequality relates to the marginalisation of migrants which has been realised through xenophobic attitudes and actions, most notably the violence that swept across the country in 2008. Several reasons have been suggested in an attempt to explain the cause of the violence, including claims that migrants are taking ‘our jobs and our women’, migrants are ‘illegal and criminal’ and bringing ‘disease and contamination’ with them from their countries of origin. Although widely accepted that many, if not all, of these beliefs are based on ignorance and hearsay, these extensive generalisations shape and reinforce prejudiced ideologies about migrant communities. It is thus only when confronted with evidence that challenges this dominant discourse, that South Africans are able to reconsider their views. Williams (2008) suggests that for many South Africans, Africa continues to be the ‘dark continent’ that is seen as an ominous, threatening force of which they have very little knowledge. For this reason, anti-immigrant sentiment in a South African context has traditionally been directed at African foreigners. In this study I examine the ways in which African migrants and migrant communities, as well as the overall processes of migration, are depicted by selected South African print media: City Press, Mail & Guardian and Sunday Times. Using a combined Corpus Linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis approach, I investigate the following questions: How are migrants and the process of migration into South Africa represented by these established newspapers between 2006 and 2010? Are there any differences or similarities between these representations? In particular, what ideologies regarding migrants and migrant communities underlie these representations? My analysis focuses on the landscape of public discourse about migration with an exploration of the rise and fall of the terminologies used to categorise migrants and the social implications of these classifications. Additionally, I analyse the expansive occurrences of negative representations of migrants, particularly through the use of ‘othering’ pronouns ‘us’ versus ‘them’ and through the use of metaphorical language which largely depicts these individuals as en masse natural disasters. I conclude that these discursive elements play a crucial role in contributing to an overall xenophobic rhetoric. Despite subtle differences between the three newspapers which can be accounted for based on their political persuasions and agendas, it is surprising to note how aligned these publications are with regard to their portrayal of migrants. With a few exceptions, this representation positions these individuals as powerless and disenfranchised and maintains the status quo view of migrants as burdens on the South African economy and resources. Overall, the newspaper articles contribute to mainstream dominant discourse on migrants and migration with the underlying ideology that migrants are responsible for the hardships suffered by South African citizens. Thus, this study contributes significantly to existing bodies of research detailing discourse on migrants and emphasises the intrinsic links between language, ideology and society.

Housing delivery has been in a state of crisis long before the realisation of democracy in South Africa and still remains a point of contention for the poor. Issues of service delivery, particularly housing delivery, have consistently made newspaper headlines in post-apartheid South Africa. Between 2004 and 2012, service delivery protests increased from 34% in 2005 to 173% in 2012. The City Press, a weekly newspaper, focused on the coverage of issues of development in South Africa, emerging as an important voice in reporting on citizen action related to service delivery in the country during this time. Therefore, the principal objective of this study was to investigate the City Press representation of citizen action on housing delivery in South Africa between 2005 and 2015. With a view to providing insight into the role of the media in development, this study employed qualitative research methodology. Qualitative content analysis was utilised in studying the City Press editorials and the City Press individual journalist’ opinion pieces and the newspaper news reports. In addition, past and present City Press journalists identified with reporting on developmental issues were interviewed. The development communication theory was explored as an appropriate theoretical framework for this study, The investigation of the City Press representation of citizen action on housing delivery found that there were several complex issues and processes that negatively impacted the process of housing delivery during the second decade of South African democracy, including a scourge of corruption driven by inefficiencies administration of the housing delivery process. In that respect the study revealed that housing delivery has been hindered by many aspects, resulting in tensions and a strained relationship between the government and the poor citizens of South Africa. Furthermore, the study established that the City Press individual journalists played a significant role in the representation of citizen action through portraying housing delivery protests at key moments when these happened. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

Text in English / This thesis investigates whether or not the press reported unethically on South Africa’s 2014 General Elections in the weekly national newspapers the City Press, Sunday Times and the Mail & Guardian. This study was undertaken on the basis of the ongoing contention between the press and the state which has resulted in polarised positions between both institutions amid accusations of press bias. It has given voice to measures to regulate the press through a Media Appeals Tribunal (MAT) and proposed state regulation. This could negatively impact free speech, public interest and ultimately democracy. This researcher contends that this will not be in the best interest of South Africa. Through this study, it is argued that an ethical press that executes a libertarian duty to society, integrating a watchdog role over the state, while simultaneously overseeing its social responsibility to society, upholds the welfare of society and democracy and should therefore not be regulated by the state. The elections thus forms an important platform for the press to demonstrate unbiased ethical reportage to the state in the wake of being regulated and prove its fundamental role in society’s interest and democracy. Therefore, to determine whether the election coverage was ethical or unethical, the problem investigated whether the press, that is, the print medium in the form of the newspaper, reported truthfully, in a balanced manner and independently for South Africa’s 2014 General Elections, upholding its watchdog and social responsibility roles. This was done through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the front-page news reports of the aforementioned national newspapers for the cross sectional time-frame of 13 April to 11 May, 2014. This study argues that language is the most important channel of communication for the exchange of ideas and can be used as an instrument to calculatedly manipulate message and reinforce a particular viewpoint. Hence, it contends that CDA can effectively be utilised as a conceptual framework for language analysis to determine unethical press coverage by journalists. The study identifies and applies two significant theoretical models that is, the Libertarian and Social Responsibility models for the elections which further serves as a form of triangulation to verify the results of the CDA. The study challenges the conventions of a distinct libertarian or a social responsibility model for the press, arguing that both models are not mutually exclusive for the elections. The analysis shows that the press apply both social responsibility and libertarian roles simultaneously in election reporting. It further maps out the incorporation of the developmental journalism model where the press upholds the best interests of both the electorate and the state ethically, without the requirement of a state-regulated media. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication Science)