Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att se vilka värderingar elever har efter genomförd religionskurs och hur dessa stämmer överrens med lärarnas ambitioner. Genom en intervjustudie av elever och lärare har jag fått fram en bild av både värderingarna och ambitionerna. Dessa diskuteras mot bakgrund av läroplanen och kursplanen samt det medborgerliga utbildningsperspektivet, citizenship education. För att förstå elevernas värderingar bättre har jag använt mig av Bourdieus sociologiska teorier, vilket gett mig en bild av att skolan inte kan ta på sig hela ansvaret när det gäller överförandet av samhällets värden.

Convivencia, or conviviality/coexistence, represents a pivotal node in Spanish ideologies of multiculturalism. Long touted as the legacy of interreligious harmony in Al- Andalus (A.D. 711-1492), contemporary pedagogical convivencia involves a complex of innovative policies, curricula, and activities which idealize distinct ways of communicating and enacting egalitarianism across myriad differences. This dissertation establishes this idealization as an artifact of Spain’s historic struggles with democracy and newfound struggles with cultural pluralism from immigration. I approach education as a focal sphere in which to examine the daily construction and maintenance of this ideal. Specifically, I draw on twelve months’ fieldwork at three secondary schools in the municipality of El Ejido (Almería) to argue that the universalist bent of contemporary convivencia pedagogies tends to obscure and invalidate minority student perspectives. My primary concern lies with the experiences of Moroccan youth, who during my research belonged to the largest, most stigmatized immigrant group in the area and whose stereotyped association with patriarchy, piety, and cultural isolationism placed them at odds with the values most fervently promoted in convivencia lessons, especially gender equality. I show how one unintended consequence of these interventions was that intolerance persisted not despite, but through, lessons on tolerance—a troubling finding for a place like El Ejido, which has seen some of the worst interracial violence in Europe. Using audio recordings collected at one school during democratic education classes and related activities, I identify patterns in teacher-student and student-student interactions that reveal how convivencia was constructed (and undermined) as a discursive performance of progressivism. Stance prompting, stance assessment, and stance attribution comprised tools that allowed teachers to defend their situational and moral authority while compelling students toward self-reflection and empathy. I reveal these repertoires as exclusionary to Moroccan youth, who were positioned as “others” unqualified to speak as progressive subjects, while their native-born peers launched critiques, and even insults, with impunity. Convivencia lessons, taught through classes mandated at the national and regional levels, politicized interactions and sparked various forms of resistance or pushback from students. Using analytic frameworks from linguistic anthropology and building on studies of diversity and civic education, Spanish social history, and liberalism and modernity, I argue that the dialogues analyzed in this dissertation represent tensions ever-present in projects of democratic equality. I ultimately describe convivencia pedagogies as ritualized instantiations of dominant social norms that inadvertently ostracize rather than unite youth across differences. While the shape of these efforts have much to do with Spain’s mottled history with democracy, these findings hold significance for educators everywhere insofar as heartfelt support for seemingly unassailable ideals—including human rights, gender equality, and racial equality—can smuggle in ethnocentrist biases.

This work analyses national and international educational acts which define civic education. In this way the emphasis on aspects of civic education is aimed. First of all, the theoretical conception of civic education is discused. Also, the situation of civic education in neighbouring countries and countries of the EU is surveyed. Analyses of documents defining civic education of various international organizations - a member of which Lithuania is - are included. Besides, the process of the creation of Lithuanian system of civic education is analysed in the context of education reform. During all the period of education reform a conciderable attention was paid to civic education. The system was constantly being improved, new programs were being created and the content and form of upbringing changed. Finally, suggestions about the perfection of implementation of the civic education policy are presented at the end of the work.

People nowadays are often forced to accept the challenges of the modern society. That is the reason why a great attention has been paid to civic education in many countries of the world including Lithuania. As education system is considered to be one of the key instruments constructing civic society, schools nowadays aim to develop students’ responsibility, social activity and independence; form their value system, emphasize the importance of democratic relationships between teachers and students. The problem of democratic citizenship education is relevant in Lithuanian school and society for understanding democracy itself, determining practical activity of young people. Since 1988 democratic citizenship has been declared to be one of the most important aims of the reformed Lithuanian school. at the beginning of the reform civic education integration program into curriculum was created, however it was agreed that the aspects of democracy education have to embrace the whole school life. Having spent long years in Soviet occupation and having long experience of Soviet education Lithuanian school has inevitably faced certain difficulties creating its own democracy-based education. USA, the country in possession of long civic education experience has been chosen as a model country. During 15 years of independence in cooperation with American civic education experts Lithuanian teachers have made visible changes in Lithuanian education system. This work aims to analyze and... [to full text]

The study presents informal civic education problems and research results of educational travel as effective civic education method. Schools bear great responsibility for the development of civic competency and civic responsibility. Schools fulfill this responsibility through both formal and informal education beginning in the earliest years and continuing through the entire educational process. The main aim of the study is to analyze the effectiveness of educational travel (tour) as civic education method. Major goals of the study are as follows: 1) review and analysis of literature placing emphasis on specifics of educational travel as civic education method; 2) design educational tour model for civic education; 3) present research results of model effectiveness. The research methods used in the study are observation, testing and practical task. The first part of study presents analysis of educational travel as method of active education. Civic dispositions and skills, both intellectual and participatory, are inseparable from civic knowledge and active participation. In order to think critically, act effectively and responsibly, learners must understand the terms of the issue, its origins, the alternative responses to it, and the likely consequences of these responses. Educational travel as active learning method allows teachers to show their students the motherland and the world. During tours text books come to life, real touch with history, culture and nature... [to full text]

The idea of the development of civic culture in Lithuania is being established as a priority in the system of education. However, this goal can be achieved by common efforts of both the educated and the teaching staff in the process of civic school community formation. Therefore the problems of civic country should be included into the educational programmes. Moreover, daily existence of schools should be accustomed to the development of civic values and virtues, as well as skills and abilities. The subject of this investigation is to educe the opportunities of school society in education of schoolchildren public spirit. The author analyses theoretical aspects of civil education, reviews the historical evolution of civil education in Lithuania. In this magistrate’s work there are presented analyses and conception of civil education' goals in the conceptual documents of education reform, discussed the peculiarities and opportunities of school society's activity. The author in his paper analyses the results of his research, conducted with a view to determining teachers' and pupils attitude towards the formation of a civic community at school. As it is noted in the work, developing of a personality greatly depends on school's help for everybody to better understand themselves, to realize their identity and uniqueness, as well as determine their goals in life. These goals can be achieved only in successfully functioning school community whose members work in accord with each... [to full text]

The research done by master degree studies student Diana Petrikiene is based on the main concepts and understandings of National as well as International developments of citizenship education. In the first part of the thesis author presents the short history of Civic Education in Lithuania based on the research work of M. Luksiene (1985) and presented in the articles of I. Zaleskienė (2000). It is shown that Civic education did play a strong role during the historical developments of Lithuanian educational system. The post sovietic educational developments are reflecting on these experiences and on the international ideas coming from democratic states. The first ideas of rebuilding Civic education was developed already in 1988 when the educational reform did start. In the contemporary rapid political transition, civic education is framed within a more progressive forward - looking vision accompanying processes of social and political change. Implementation of citizenship education is foreseen in the national documents (Core-Curriculum and Standards, 2004). Main goals of the citizenship education can be structured and achieved according following areas or the ways on which Citizenship education is organised in Lithuania. 1. Through formal curriculum: a) citizenship education is taught as a cross-curriculum. It means that Civic ideas, concepts, topics are integrated in the new developed curricular, textbooks, teaching and learning materials for whole variety of subjects... [to full text]

This thesis addresses how government in Rwanda plays out in practice and how it affects lived experiences of state power and citizenship. Two decades after the genocide, Rwanda has come to be associated both with security, development, and stability, on the one hand, and with state repression and coercion, on the other. In 2007, a nationwide programme was launched to teach all Rwandans about the politically dominant vision of the model Rwandan citizen – an ideal that is today pursued through remote trainings camps, local village trainings, and everyday forms of government. The thesis is based on ten months of anthropological research in Rwanda, oriented around three ethnographic spaces: the life and workings of the Itorero training sites, the voices of two dozen Rwandans living in Kigali, and the daily government of a local neighbourhood in Kigali. The findings highlight how certain government practices in Rwanda engender in people experiences of being exposed to the state’s power and violent potential. As such, they represent an authoritarian mode of rule, reproduced through the way experiences of exposure guide everyday actions and behaviour vis-à-vis the state. The thesis starts from the Foucauldian assumption that all relations of power depend on the acceptance and agency of both those holding power and those who relate to themselves as their subjects. In Rwanda, the terms of acceptance are partly grounded in local social realities. Personal memories of mass violence, for example, justify for many the state’s tight social control. Such memories are also actively nurtured by the government itself, by associating the loosening of state control with the risk of renewed violence. Furthermore, in light of Rwanda’s attraction of foreign aid, authoritarian rule needs to be understood in relation to international terms of acceptance, which are embedded in liberal understandings of good, or at least good enough, governance.

This thesis, then, is about belonging to Australia and to the world. It is about imperialism, nationalism and the quality of goodness told through the lens of primary school students in 1930’s and 1950’s Victoria. I begin by exploring in Chapter One how the joint change in psychology and politics forced profound change to the basic framework of primary school curriculum. Children’s relationship to information was reconceived, and so too were the curricular structures necessary for this new epistemology. Spatial and temporal relations between Australia, Britain and the world were thus destabilized. But we need a much finer lens, and a more subtle understanding of the mechanisms of imaginative national belonging, if we are to describe this changing relationship. I take up this question in Chapter Two by looking at the reading resources given to children, from which they learnt complex lessons about aspects of being Australian. In Chapter Three I examine the impact of nationalism – Imperial and nation-state – in defining the child’s responsibilities. I argue that the project of nation-state nationalism that I describe, forced a change from moral to civic duty, a profound change to expectations about how and for whom children should act.

For over a century, both France and the United States have struggled with how to best bring citizens and immigrants into a common culture through civic education. While it is still true that both countries attempt to bring citizens into a common culture, it appears that the two countries have diverged in the past few decades. While the U.S. still highlights the importance of democratic values and active political participation, we do not attempt to bring everyone into a greater common culture. Instead, civics and historical curriculum take a multiculturalist approach, celebrating different cultures and historical heroes that have come from a variety of racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds. Conversely, French civic curriculum emphasizes a universal common culture that all citizens are a part of. While the French acknowledge that citizens come from a variety of different backgrounds, differences are not celebrated. Instead common values like human rights and laïcité (secularism) are emphasized. While these two approaches appear very different, upon further inspection one will find that the two approaches have similarities. By the French ignoring cultural differences and the U.S. only discussing the superficial aspects of culture, both trivialize culture and ignore the deeper cultural differences that cause division. Ultimately, the lack of discussion surrounding cultural differences does not allow citizens to have honest and productive discussions about the controversies that arise in pluralistic societies.