This study assessed the civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes of Hispanic eighth grade students in Miami-Dade County Public Schools (M-DCPS), Florida. Three hundred sixty one Hispanic students of Cuban (253), Colombian (57), and Nicaraguan (51) ancestry from 10 middle schools participated in the study. Two hundred twenty eight students were from low socio-economic status (SES) background, and 133 were of middle SES background. There were 136 boys and 225 girls. The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement Civic Education Student Questionnaire was used to collect data. The instrument assessed the students’ civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes. Multivariate analysis of variance was used to test for differences in the civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes of participants based on ancestry, SES, and gender. The findings indicated that there was no significant difference in the civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes of Hispanic eighth grade students that were of Cuban, Colombian, and Nicaraguan ancestry. There was no significant difference in the civic vi ii skills and in five of the civic attitude scales for students from low SES families compared to those from middle SES families. However, there was a significant difference in the civic knowledge and in the civic attitude concerning classroom discussions and participation based on SES. The civic knowledge of middle SES students was higher than that of low SES students. Furthermore, middle SES Hispanic students displayed a higher mean score for the civic attitude of classroom discussions and participation than low SES students. There was no significant difference in the civic knowledge and in five of the civic attitude scales between boys and girls. However, there was a significant difference in the civic skills and the civic attitude of support for women’s rights between boys and girls. Hispanic girls displayed a higher mean score in civic skills than Hispanic boys. Furthermore, the mean score of civic attitude of support for women’s rights for Hispanic girls was higher than that of Hispanic boys. It was concluded that Cuban, Colombian, or Nicaraguan participants did not demonstrate differences in civic attitudes and levels of civic knowledge and skills that eighth grade students possessed. In addition, when compared to boys, girls demonstrated a higher level of civic skills and a greater support for women’s rights and participation in politics and their roles in politics. Moreover, SES was demonstrated to be a key factor in the acquisition of civic knowledge, regardless of ancestry.

Social scientists claim young United States (U.S.) citizens have become disengaged in civic life which jeopardizes democracy (White et al., 2007; CIRCLE & Carnegie, 2003, p.8). As a nation, the U.S. has failed to teach students the skills, knowledge, and abilities necessary for democratic life (White et l., 2007). Social scientists claim young U.S. citizens have become disengaged in civic life since the 1980s (Colby, 2007; CIRCLE & Carnegie, 2003, p.4). Compared to past generations, young citizens in the United States are less engaged in political life and lack an understanding of what it means to be an active and engaged citizen (Colby, 2007; White et al., 2007; CIRCLE & Carnegie, 2003, p.4). The idea of engaged citizenship has become narrowly defined as the simple act of voting, limiting the possibilities of citizens in improving society through community involvement (White et al., 2007). However, social scientists and social science educators have witnessed an increase in volunteerism of young U.S. citizens since about 2000. Along with this increase in volunteerism, other empirical evidence has painted a more positive picture of young Americans’ civic engagement (Zukin et al., 2006). While researchers admit that young U.S. citizens are less politically engaged, young citizens demonstrate an interest in civic engagement (e.g., volunteering and participating in social campaigns) (Zukin et al., 2006). Historically, kindergarten through twelfth-grade (K-12) social-studies education has responded, through a civic-focused curriculum, to the needs of the United States. The nation’s colleges and universities have also traditionally focused on the education of the country’s future civic leaders, paying particular attention to teaching citizenship for the common good while iv promoting civic duty and responsibility. In comparison, little attention has been focused on the civic education of the community college student. The primary focus of community colleges has been to stimulate local economies and provide training for workforce development. In addition to workforce development, community colleges have provided access to under-prepared students who are interested in completing a four-year degree at a university, where civic leadership has been integrated into the curriculum. This research study followed a qualitative phenomenological approach that investigated the attitudes and perceptions of community college students and their civic and political engagement. The researcher collected data pertaining to civic engagement from three sources: open-ended qualitative questionnaires, student focus-groups, and a drawing activity completed by students. This research study was conducted in a large urban community college located in the southeastern region of the United States. Wilson Community College is a pseudonym used to conceal the identity of the college that was used in this research study

Democratic theorists argue that democratic institutions thrive when the citizens of the society robustly participate in governance (Galston, 2004; Barber, 2001). A traditional indicator of democratic participation is voting in elections or referendums. However, democratic apologetics posit that humans need to be trained in democratic processes in order to be democratic citizens (Dewey, 1916; Gutmann, 1990; Sehr, 1997; Goodlad, 2001). Citizens need to know not only the protocol of participation, they also need to be trained in the processes of mind (Dewey, 1916; 1927). Educational systems in this country have been the traditional place where democratic training has been vested (Spring, 2001). It seems, though, that the methods that educators are using to train young people fail to meet this challenge as voting rates among the youngest citizens (under 30) have never been higher than slightly more than half of eligible voters in the age group. To remedy this situation, Congress and several private civic-education organizations have called for changing curricular approaches to engage more youth. One such method that may hold promise is the use of video game technology. The current generation of youth has grown up in a digital world where they have been labeled "Digital Natives" (Prensky, 2001a). They are "tech savvy" and comfortable with their lives being integrated with various forms of digital technology. Significantly, industry research suggests that over 90% of "Digital Natives" have played a video game in the last 30 days, and business is booming to the level that video games pulled in more money than the movie industry did in 2008 (ESA, 2009). As early as the 1970s, educational researchers have looked at the use of video game technology to engage student learning; however, this research has been limited at best. More recently, educational scholars such as James Gee (2003; 2007) and Kurt Squire (2002; iii 2003; 2006) have sought to make the academic conversation more mature with regard to using video games as a classroom supplement. This study continues that conversation by using quantitative methods to investigate whether or not different groups of middle school students self-report a greater propensity to be civically engaged as a result of civic-themed video gameplay. The investigator collected data from middle school students who were given access to civic-themed video games to see if there were statistically significant differences in self-reported civic-engagement scores as a result of gameplay. This investigation was conducted at a large, urban middle school in the Southeast region of the United States.

Thesis advisor: Marilyn Cochran-Smith / This dissertation presents an ethno-case study explaining how students at a conservative Christian high school were socialized into ideas about civic and public life in a pluralistic society. Drawing on democratic educational theory and institutional theory to analyze ethnographic data gathered during a full school year of observations, interviews, and document collection, this dissertation addresses the following questions: (1) What are the logics, practices, and symbolic representations concerning civic identity and participation in democratic society conveyed explicitly and implicitly at a conservative Christian high school? (2) How do students understand and engage with ideas about civic identity and participation conveyed at that school? (3) How do families understand and engage with these ideas about civic identity and participation? This dissertation argues that the school was organized around a theo-political institutional logic committed to the absolute truth of Christianity. This logic was symbolically represented in the language and concepts of the “Christian worldview” and reinforced through consistent and recurrent school practices that shaped students’ behavior and their ways of interpreting the world. This theo-political logic, which was pervasive throughout formal and informal curriculum and instruction at the school, presented an all-encompassing vision of Christianity as “the truth” and offered a coherent connection between doctrinal beliefs and actual behavior. This logic was also notable for what it omitted and lacked, particularly acknowledgment of the racialized nature of schooling and society, attention to the pluralism of worldviews in a diverse democratic nation, and recognition of the systemic and structural causes of injustice in society. The emphases as well as the omissions of the theo-political logic at the school shaped students’ civic identity as first and foremost a religious identity, which meant engaging with society to promote conservative social policies, candidates, and political perspectives. The dissertation shows that students largely embraced the theo-political logic that animated the school, and their parents chose the school because of the presence of this logic. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2023. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction.

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This study investigated the attitudes and beliefs of four civic and United States government teachers on democratic education practices. The first part of the study investigated the methods and approaches these teachers use to foster the knowledge, skills, and dispositions essential to a democracy’s survival by understanding how they construct their own meaning concerning elements of democratic education. Through interviews, instructional observations, and document analysis, an evaluation of the role and impact of teacher beliefs and attitudes on democratic education practices gleaned insight into how these teachers construct, interpret, and share their understanding as a condition of building civic capacity within their students. Findings showed their beliefs and attitudes did matter in how they approached their instruction and use of democratic education practices. Despite expressing positive views regarding their inclusion into their instruction, teacher discomfort and lack of confidence in engaging students in this form of instruction determined whether or not they utilized these practices. Preventions and recommendations were made for ways in which teacher discomfort and lack of confidence may be addressed to overcome the lack of use of democratic education practices in instruction, as well as a framework for approaching the teaching of K-12 civics.

By consciously re-crafting K-12 American public schools through aesthetic design, the United States can improve civic education. Specifically, by paying attention to how school environments affect students through each of their five senses, Americans can create learning environments that encourage the development of civic virtues necessary to support four essential criteria identified by John Dewey as foundational for an ideal democracy: individual expression, communicated experience, associated living, and consciousness of the connection between individuals, their behaviors, and their choices. By examining Dewey’s theory of ideal democracy, and the civic virtues that it requires, I delineate and analyze specific criteria by which to improve American civic education in public schools. Then I show that creating beautiful schools can meet the specified criteria and develop civic virtues in students. These virtues are necessary – although not by themselves sufficient – for healthy democratic citizenship. America today is far from an ideal democracy. Split in our beliefs, unengaged in the civic process, disconnected from fellow citizens, and often unaware of the harm caused by our lack of participation, care, and responsibility, we have a long way to go before our democracy approaches the ideal form proposed by Dewey. Far from deterring our efforts, however, these facts should motivate us to find new and improved ways to educate our young citizens during their years in public schooling. This thesis aims to convince the reader that the conscious crafting of school aesthetics can provide a unique and irreplaceable contribution to that end. / text

The research studies school heads’ perception of the implementation of the new Moral and Civic Education (MCE) curriculum in Hong Kong primary schools. The MCE curriculum is positioned as a key task in curriculum reform since 2001. The present study recognises school leadership role in steering curriculum delivery in which school heads’ perception is one of the determinants in shaping curriculum execution. Qualitative approach is adopted to uncover the factors affecting the perception of school heads and subsequent implementation strategies. Purposive sampling of six primary school heads is identified for interview to collect data. Content analysis is employed to make inferences from the data reviewing how school heads’ personal belief and values orientation affect the delivery of the curriculum. The MCE curriculum, resting on virtue ethics projecting desirable values to be promoted, is appealing to the school heads. The MCE curriculum designed as values education, resonates Chinese culture emphasizing cultivation of virtue through education while at the same time addressing the societal expectation of the call for promoting national identity with the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997. Given the social and political context of Hong Kong, positive attitude is exhibited by all the sample school heads but they respond differently to the curricular role, reflecting a wide spectrum of understanding of the curriculum and pedagogical competency. The research findings propose the importance of a heightened awareness of school heads’ cognition of the curriculum but their attitude towards the curriculum is deterministic how the curriculum is implemented. The attitude taken hinges on the values and belief of school heads vis a vis organisation values of the school. A model portraying school heads’ awareness, attitude and action for curriculum implementation is recommended to further study school leadership with implications for theory building and practice.

O sistema educativo brasileiro está passando por um processo de debate e mudanças tanto em termos de políticas públicas como pedagógicas. Por isso, de forma a contribuir com a discussão, assentamos nossas análises nos conteúdos prescritos encontrados nos currículos estaduais de Geografia para o ensino médio que possuem relação com conhecimentos conceituais fundamentais para uma formação cidadã (Estado, Organização Político-Administrativa, Governo, Democracria e Tripartição do Poder). No Brasil, não há uma disciplina específica voltada para a formação cidadã, semelhante a Espanha. No caso brasileiro, a LDB, Lei nº 9.394, de 1996, estabeleceu como uma das finalidades da educação básica, o preparo do estudante para o exercício pleno da cidadania. Mesmo assim, a própria LDB não instituiu o tipo de cidadão e cidadania que a nação espera que seja formado na educação básica. Para isso, é preciso ensinar, principalmente no ensino médio, idade adequada para se trabalhar com aspectos mais subjetivos do pensamento; a respeito da polis e sobre o funcionamento da dimensão política existente no espaço geográfico. De maneira a averiguar esta relação entre os conceitos de análise, aqui destacados, com os temas, conteúdos e conceitos prescritos nos currículos estaduais de Geografia do ensino médio; realizamos uma análise documental de 25 currículos estaduais, identificando os temas, conteúdos e conceitos que abordam Estado, Organização Político-Administrativa, Governo, Democracia e Tripartição de Poder. O que nos revelou lacunas profundas no ensino de Geografia a cerca da análise da dimensão política do espaço geográfico no ensino médio. Em seguida, após a análise documento, apresentamos uma proposta de Currículo Básico Comum de Geografia para o ensino médio, apenas com orientações geográficas para se trabalhar a dimensão política do espaço geográfico, visando a formação de um cidadão democrático, social, crítico, ativo, participativo e solidário. Por fim, a pesquisa aponta para a necessidade de apropriação por parte da Geografia escolar dos conceitos aqui analisados, objetivando contribuir para uma formação cidadã. Através da formulação de um currículo que estabeleça nacionalmente aquilo que é indispensável para ser trabalhado na educação básica, os conhecimentos poderosos para a compreensão do espaço vivido e sua transformação da realidade. / The Brazilian educational system is undergoing a process of debate and changes both in terms of public and educational policies. Therefore, in order to contribute to the discussion, we sit in our analyzes prescribed content found in the state curriculum of Geography for high school that are related to fundamental conceptual knowledge for civic education (State, Political and Administrative Organization, Government, Democracry and tripartite division of power). In Brazil, there is no specific discipline dedicated to civic education, like Spain. In Brazil, the LDB, Law nº 9.394, 1996, established itself as one of the purposes of basic education, student preparation for the full exercise of citizenship. Therefore, the very LDB not established the kind of citizen and citizenship that the nation expected to be formed in basic education. For this, we need to teach, especially in high school, right age to work more subjective aspects of thought; about the polis and the functioning of the existing political dimension in geographic space. In order to ascertain the relationship between the analysis of concepts, highlighted here, with the themes prescribed content and concepts in state curricula of high school geography; conducted a document anlysis of 25 state curricula, identifying the topics, content and concepts that address State, Political and Administrative Organization, Government, Democracy and Tripartite Divison of Power. It revealed deep gaps in the teaching of Geography about the analysis of the political dimension of geographic space in high school. Then, after the document analysis, we propose a Common Basic Curriculum of Geography for high school, only with geographic directions to work the political dimension of geographic space, seeking the formation of a democratic citizen, social, critical, active, participatory and supportive. Finally, the research points to the need for ownership by the School of Geography concepts analyzed, aiming to contribute to civic education. By formulating a curriculum that nationally established what is essential to be worked in basic education, the powerful knowledge for understanding the lived space and its transformation of reality.

Democracy is a concept held in high regard today. The basis for democracy is the acceptance of political equality including a well-informed citizen body with opportunity to affirm their interests. Through (civic) education children are expected to develop the knowledge, and the competence, that is needed to uphold a democratic form of government. Although needed, ed-ucation is not a categorical requirement for children to gain full citizenship; this is instead based upon a arbitrary age. However, when Sweden introduced a criterion-referenced grading system in primary and secondary school during the 1990’s, it also included a sharp distinction in the grading between approved/passed ("godkänt") and not approved/failed ("icke godkänt", alter-natively "underkänt"). One can see an implicit tension between the universal conception of citizenship, and the fact that students may be failed in the (civic) education. The purpose of this essay is to discuss this tension between civic education, and the criterion-referenced grading system that includes a sharp distinction between passed and failed school performances. This is done through two steps. (i) Firstly, the concept of civic qualification through education is discussed in relation to democratic theory, especially with references to the political theorist Robert A. Dahl. Based on this it is theorized that civic education can be understood as two distinct ideal types, strong or weak civic competence requirements. The weak requirements can be regarded as an expectation that civic education will result in competent citizens; whereas strong requirements implies that a student must reach a predetermined level of competence, e.g. a "passing grade". This theoretical framework is then used in the essay’s second step (ii), where an ideological analysis of debate articles regarding the criterion-refer-enced grading system is performed. Special attention is being directed towards the fact that students are at risk of being failed in their education. The purpose is to analyze whether a tension between civic education and the grading system arises. Through the ideological analysis it is found that this tension does arise but is nullified using weak civic competence requirements; although the strong civic competence requirements can be implicitly identified within the argu-mentation. Thus, the essay conclude that it is problematic to combine the two forms of compe-tence requirements because they are in many ways incompatible on a theoretical level. Finally, the essay asks if it’s possible by extension to have a school system that includes both civic education and a sharp distinction between passed and failed grades.