Jane G, first appeared as a series in Solidarity, the mouthpiece of the Cape Action League. The series was read by activists in community, student, youth and worker organisations. At the request of readers, the Cape Action League decided to publish the series as a booklet. The book is written in easy English in order for it to be used by workers and their allies as an instrument for active struggle against all forms of oppression and exploitation. The story of Jane G has its roots in the daily experiences of an ordinary black working mother living in South Africa/Azania. She is the mother you meet at the bus stop, meet in the taxi, talk to at the corner shop or prayer meeting. In this series, Jane G’s struggle is typical of the millions of workers suffering a similar fate in our country. Jane speaks of the hardship she faces under the exploitative cycle of earning low wages and paying high rents. The burden of working long hours and paying high prices for basic food in order to look after her family. She finds relief by joining the Clothing Workers’ Union which organises workers at the Rex-Tex factory where she works.

Le point de départ de la recherche consiste à prendre au sérieux nombre de déclarations politiques belges reposant sur l'existence d'un droit fondamental et autonome à la sécurité. L'objectif poursuivi est donc de vérifier si, juridiquement, un tel droit existe actuellement dans le droit positif. A cette fin, il est procédé à un examen des sources formelles et jurisprudentielles du droit international des droits de l'homme. Cette analyse permet de démontrer que la sécurité fait l'objet d'une protection explicite et autonome :le "droit à la sécurité" existe. Son champ d'application - la protection de l'intégrité physique - apparaît cependant d'ores et déjà largement protégé par le jeu de plusieurs dispositions du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques et de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme. Enfin, l'une des fonctions poursuivies par ce droit, à savoir l'obligation de pénaliser et de réprimer les comportements portant atteinte à cette intégrité, fait l'objet d'une analyse historique et théorique permettant de dénouer l'écheveau tressé entre le droit pénal et les droits fondamentaux. / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Master of Arts / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / This work examines Maxwell M. Rabb's role in the area of civil rights and race relations from January 1953 through May 1958 during the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Rabb was the first Secretary to the Cabinet, a position created by Eisenhower. In his lesser known duty, Max Rabb quietly developed many aspects of President Eisenhower's civil rights program. Chapter One describes Rabb's pivotal role in ending segregation in the military establishment to include the Navy and the Veterans Administration. In this chapter Rabb is a lone operator, personally meeting with principal actors in the Eisenhower Administration and U.S. Congress to end segregation. Chapter Two examines how Rabb participated in and helped to develop the various organizations of the White House. As the organizations within the Eisenhower White House matured, Rabb was able to use them as roads into the problem of civil rights and to use their power to advance civil rights. The final chapter focuses on the confluence of race relations and human rights on the one hand with U.S. domestic and foreign policy on the other. The chapter uses four cases studies to illustrate the growing importance of American race relations in world affairs after World War II. Max Rabb's participation in each case serves as a reminder that the American domestic sphere had become a cause of international concern and could damage the credibility of U.S democratic values in the a world where racial sensitivity was on the rise and increasingly a factor in international relations. This work ends by concluding that Rabb's effectiveness was severely limited by President Eisenhower's narrow understanding of the limits of government. Rabb was a New Deal Republican serving in the administration of a man who rejected the activism required by New Deal Liberalism. Though Rabb served Eisenhower well, it was Eisenhower who failed to sense the full scope of the problems in U.S. civil rights and race relations.

The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.

M.Ed. (Educational Psychology) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This work examines the legal effects of a declaration of a state of emergency under the Public Safety Act 3 of 1953 and the exercise of legislative and administrative powers pursuant thereto. The general basis of judicial control over executive action and the various devices used to limit or oust the court's jurisdiction are set out and explained. Against this background, the courts' performance of their supervisory role under the special circumstances of emergency rule is critically surveyed and assessed. The legal issues raised by the exercise of emergency powers is examined at the various levels of their deployment: first, the declaration of a state of emergency; second, the making of emergency regulations; third, their execution by means of administrative action, including detention, banning, censorship and the use of force. The major cases concerning emergency issues, both reported and unreported, are analysed in their appropriate contexts, and an overview provided of the effects of emergency regulations and orders on such freedoms as South Africans enjoy under the 'ordinary' law. Finally, an attempt is made to assess how these decisions have affected the prospect of judicial review of executive action, both in the emergency context and in the field of administrative law generally. The conclusion is that, however far the Appellate Division may appear to have gone towards eliminating the role of the law in the emergency regime, grounds remain for the courts to exercise a more vigorous supervisory role should they choose to do so in future.

M.Ed. / Human rights in education in South Africa in general and in Reiger Park in particular has become an area of contention. This is reflected by the lack of understanding of human rights by teachers, parents and pupils alike. The teachers, parents, as well as pupils have different interpretations of what human rights mean to them and often create feelings of complacency and sometimes indolent behaviour of some teachers, parents as well as pupils. The teachers. parents and pupils need to be made aware of the importance of human rights as a means to achieve a democratic society rather than working against it.(see 4.8.2) This study wishes to address the above-mentioned issues by seeking answers to the following questions: Do people know about human rights ? What are their attitudes towards human rights? What are their attitudes towards discipline along human rights principles? -Is there a necessity to include human rights education in the school curriculum ? How human rights education ought to be introduced in the school ? The aim of the research is to look at overseas countries to see if there are patterns or trends in human rights education and whether these global problems are are experienced in a local context. To find out whether people know about human rights, their attitudes towards human rights as well as their attitudes towards discipline along the principles of human rights. The research also aims to find out how human rights would be incorporated in the school curriculum.

As women in South Africa, it is important for us to understand the nature of our oppression, for it is only after understanding it, can we identify the target of our attack and plan the appropriate strategy and tactics for our struggle. Black women in South Africa suffer three types of oppression. 1. Political oppression, which is common to all blacks in South Africa, ie. the denial of rights to vote for or choose the type of government we want, and the denial of rights as a people in South Africa. 2. Economic oppression as black workers in South Africa. Black women workers are even more exploited than men workers. They are paid lower wages for the same job, are treated as temporary staff and can be fired at anytime especially if they fall pregnant. 3. Social oppression which stems from the idea that women are born inferior to men and therefore have to play an inferior role in society. The socialization process starts at birth and women and men are geared towards certain roles in society. Men most often towards leadership positions and professional jobs and women towards household duties and secretarial jobs. This socialization process continues throughout ones life such that most people accept it as a natural phenomenon and a way of life. Having understood the forms of oppression, we can see that the struggle is not between men and women, where men are seen as the source of our oppression. Nor is it a struggle for mechanical equality between men and women ie. being paid the same wages as men, and having equal status as men in society, because this will mean equality within the present status quo. Our struggle is a struggle between womenand the existing social order. It is a struggle of the oppressed against oppression. Our main weapons in the struggle for liberation are UNITY and ORGANISATION. Unity is realised through common effort, links are forged through collective work and study, through criticism and self-critcism and through action against opression. Organization can be achieved through women's groups and organization. A women's group's first demand should be the clarification of our ideas, to get rid of miscosepts and erroneous ideas concerning the role and liberation of women. A women's group usually tackles the question of social oppresion, but more important, it must be seen as a stepping stone towards involvement in the broader struggle can we destroy the foundations of exploitative society and rebuild society on new foundations. Foundations built on the demands of the FREEDOM CHARTER. “The fundamental struggle is for national liberation of the oppressed people of South Africa, and any women's organization that stands outside this struggle must stand apart from the mass of women. What was realised by the Federation of South African Women was that it would be impossible for women to achieve their rights as women in a society in which so many fundamental rights are denied to both men and women by virtue of their colour and their class. Therefore just as there can be no revolution without the liberation of women, the struggle for women's emancipation cannot succeed without the victory of the revolution".

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Cette thèse analyse la manière dont les métaphores et les comparaisons de Harper Lee ont été traduites dans les trois versions françaises de To Kill a Mockingbird, un des romans les plus célèbres de la littérature américaine. Comme point de départ, nous examinons les théories existantes sur la traductologie et les figures de style, ce qui nous aide à comprendre la fonction de la métaphore et de la comparaison au sein d’un texte littéraire. Par la suite, nous étudions les métaphores et comparaisons qui n’ont pas pu être traduites aisément, souvent à cause de leur charge culturel. Paradoxalement, les connotations et les références culturelles jouent un rôle important dans l’œuvre de Lee, et elles sont indispensables pour la reconstruction de son univers à l’étranger. Afin de traduire l’intraduisible, le traducteur doit recourir à des stratégies complexes et variées, parfois faisant preuve d’une grande créativité. Un chapitre entier est donc consacré aux traductions inventives où le traducteur se transforme en écrivain. En effet, on se pose des questions sur le rôle du traducteur : doit-il rester passif ou est-il libre de façonner le texte cible comme il le souhaite ? Le dernier chapitre se focalise sur les similitudes entre le français et l’anglais, grâce auxquelles un passage fluide d’une langue à l’autre est souvent possible. Dans chaque version, nous observons des tendances méthodologiques et stylistiques, qui varient selon l’époque et/ou les préférences de chaque traducteur. Étant donné que la traduction parfaite n’existe pas, nous concluons que chaque nouvelle version contribue à sa manière à l’expérience du lecteur dans la langue cible. / This thesis analyses the way in which Harper Lee’s metaphors and similes have been translated in the three French versions of To Kill a Mockingbird, one of the most famous novels in American literature. As a starting point, we examine the existing theories regarding Translation Studies and stylistic devices, which helps us to understand the purpose of metaphors and similes within a literary text. We then study those metaphors and similes that could not be translated with ease, mainly owing to their cultural significance. Paradoxically, cultural connotations and references play a significant role in Lee’s work, and they are indispensable in reconstructing her universe abroad. In order to translate the untranslatable, the translator has to resort to complex and diverse strategies, sometimes demonstrating a high level of creativity. An entire chapter is therefore devoted to inventive translations where the translator becomes a writer in his or her own right. Indeed we ask ourselves several questions about the role of a translator : should he remain passive or is he free to shape the target text as he desires? The final chapter focuses on the similarities between French and English, thanks to which a swift passage between the two languages is often possible. In each version, we notice methodological and stylistic trends that vary according to the publication date and/or the preferences of each translator. Given that there is no such thing as a perfect translation, we come to the conclusion that every new version contributes in its own way to the reader’s experience in the target language.