This qualitative study is a narrative investigation that analyzes the educational experiences of the segregated Turkish people of Sumter County, South Carolina during the integration movement. Four participants share their stories of how attending an elementary school for Turkish students affected their integration into White high schools. Oral history is the specific research methodology that is used. The theoretical framework that guides this study is critical-narrative theory. Through critical research, the researcher analyzes how “the social institution of school is structured such that the interests of some members and classes of society are preserved and perpetuated at the expense of others” (Merriam, 2001, p. 5). Narrative theory also informs this study. Connelly and Clandinin (1990) explain that the heart of narrative analysis is “the ways humans experience the world” (p. 2). The research questions that guide this study are the following: (1) How do the Turkish people of Sumter County, South Carolina, who attended public school during the early part of the 20th century, describe their educational experiences?, and (2) What are the perceptions of the Turkish people regarding the integration movement, educational power struggles and oppression? Through in-depth interviews, participants discuss (a) thoughts on being Turkish, (b) feelings of isolation, (c) experiences at the Dalzell School, (d) experiences at the high schools (Edmunds and Hillcrest), (e) attitudes toward other ethnic groups, and (f) perceptions of the integration movement. The overwhelming evidence from interviews supports Freire’s (2006) two stages of the pedagogy of the oppressed. Freire states, In the first, the oppressed unveil the world of oppression and through the praxis commit themselves to its transformation. In the second stage, in which the reality of oppression has already been transformed, this pedagogy ceases to belong to the oppressed and becomes a pedagogy of all people in the process of permanent liberation (p. 54). The educational implications of this study offer insight into how today’s educators are called to “renew our minds so that the way we live, teach, and work can reflect our joy in cultural diversity, our passion for justice, and our love of freedom” (bell hooks, 1994, p.34).

Abstract not available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.

On the eve of World War II, the American Red Cross (ARC) excluded African-American blood donors. The instructions from the Army and the Navy implied that the armed forces did not want the allegedly "inferior" blood of Blacks in the veins of "superior" White soldiers. The ARC's exclusionary policy, as mandated by defense officials in the War Department, continued the tradition of relegating African-Americans to second-class citizenship.Black newspaper editors and individual protest leaders on the national and local levels pressured the armed forces to change its blood donor policy. On January 29, 1942, the ARC started to accept blood donations from Blacks but followed a national policy of segregation. The ARC labeled and stored African-American blood donations apart from those of Whites and maintained Jim Crow blood banks throughout the war even though medical experts found no factual basis to differentiate blood by race.This paper examines how Black newspapers and individuals such as Asa Philip Randolph, Walter Francis White, William Henry Hastie, Mabel Keaton Staupers, and the Black community of Indianapolis responded to the ARC's initial policy of exclusion and then segregating AfricanAmerican blood donations. The paper attempts to modify the popular interpretation that the war constituted a watershed for African-Americans. My research indicates that while many Black leaders and protest organizations on the national and local levels challenged the ARC's blood donor policies, African-Americans did not win a fundamental change in military policy. Thus, while the fight against blood donor discrimination was a manifestation of the wartime "Double V" campaign it also represented its limitations.The paper draws on secondary sources, African-American newspapers, and the manuscript collections of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the National Association of Colored Graduate Nurses, Claude A. Barnett, William Henry Hastie, Asa Philip Randolph, and the Indianapolis Area Chapter of the ARC as well as the papers of African-American physicians in Indianapolis, Walter H. Maddux and Harvey N. Middleton of the Flanner House and the Morgan Health Center. / Department of History

The major purpose of this study is to analyze and assess the validity of those charges which have alleged: (1) that political parties impede voters' efforts to make rational choices between issue alternatives and between candidates by failing to take clear cut positions on the issues which confront them; and (2) that the parties frustrate the efforts of the voters to appraise legislative performance because that performance bears little resemblance to the program which the parties presented to the electorate. A second purpose of the study is historical: to investigate, and present an account of political and legislative developments in the nineteen fifties and early nineteen sixties regarding four relatively broad issues. Each of these issues--foreign aid, civil rights, labor-management relations, and farm policy-received major national attention during the decades of the fifties and sixties and each continues to be significant as the nation enters the decade of the seventies.The study began by tracing the main elements in the historic background of the above issues. This background served as the springboard from which the investigations into the role of the political parties in formulating and implementing public policies were launched. The positions which the Democratic and Republican Parties developed on the issues were examined and contrasted for 1952 and 1960. In addition, the elaboration of these positions by the respective Presidential candidates was examined. The four issues were then studied as they were formulated into legislative proposals, and party legislative performance with respect to them was described and analyzed for the 83rd and 87th Congresses. These two Congresses were selected because in each one the party which had been out of power was reassuming control of both houses of Congress as well as the Presidency.The investigation of the four issues and the analysis of party performance with respect to them yielded only qualified answers to the two questions which guided the investigation. These two questions were: (1) Did the parties take clear-cut positions on the issues?; and (2) Did the party which controlled the Government follow through on the positions it had taken? With respect to party positions the study revealed that on two of the issues the parties did offer diametrically opposed alternatives. These two issues were labor-management relations and farm policy. Moreover, distinguishable alternatives were offered on the other two issues, foreign aid and civil rights.In the implementation of party programs the study revealed that on two of the issues, labor-management relations and civil rights, the Republicans in the 83rd and the Democrats in the 87th Congress honored their pledges more in the breach than in the observance. On the other hand, both parties did implement programs in foreign aid and in farm policy which corresponded with the programs they had sented during the respective campaigns.The data indicate then, that there were distinguishable differences between the positions taken by the parties on those issues which the study covered. In addition, the process by which these positions were reached as well as the legislative debates on the proposals stemming from them, should have enhanced, rather than inhibited the citizen's understanding of the important issues. Finally, the legislative debates and the voting records of the party members provided a basis for evaluating party performance. The results of this study strongly suggest that the interested citizen who takes the time to do so can use the machinery of the American party system to make intelligent choices at election time, and to evaluate the performance of the individuals and the party for whom he has voted.3

Selecting employees for hire and promotion is one of the most essential functions of an organization. Many companies that have positions which contain a physical component rely on physical ability testing as part of their selection procedure. The establishment of both the Civil Rights Act and the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) had a profound impact on the manner in which selection testing may legally be conducted (Gutman, Koppes, & Vodanovich, 2011). The current study sought to analyze court cases involving physical ability testing. Results revealed that pure ability tests did not significantly differ from work sample tests with regard to whether court cases found for the plaintiff or defendant. Additionally, rulings did not significantly differ in ruling in favor of the plaintiff or defendant with regard to whether the position in question involved public safety. Finally, the ADA related cases did not significantly differ in their rulings in favor of the plaintiff or defendant after the 2011 modifications to the interpretation of disabled, as compared to before 2011. Future research should focus on the difference between court rulings involving physical ability tests in comparison to other forms of testing such as cognitive tests, and further investigate the role of the ADA in physical ability testing.

The state of California has one of the largest and most violent gang populations in the United States. Although there have been a variety of anti-gang measures and policies enacted by local and state governments, none have been more effective than the Civil Gang Injunction (CGI). This civil action prohibits certain street gangs, and their members, from participating in activities that would otherwise be considered lawful. In order to obtain an injunction a prosecutor must demonstrate to the court that the gang is engaged in ongoing criminal conduct and represents a public nuisance to a geographically defined area. When a neighborhood is under an injunction, not only is police presence in the area increased but officers are also given more freedom to investigate and apprehend gang members who are suspected to be in violation of the terms. As this thesis will argue, injunctions, when used correctly, have proven to be an effective weapon in diminishing the influence of territorial street gangs on community well-being. When used incorrectly, however, they often only provide a temporary fix to a long-lasting problem. They also have been known to contribute to an increase in crime in neighboring areas, an increased number of wrongful arrests, and in some cases they have promoted criminality amongst young people. To explore the efficacy of injunctions, this thesis will focus on three empirical studies that cover a period from 1993 to 2003, when the rates of gang-related violence were at an all-time high and injunctions became the primary tool for City and District Attorneys to combat the nuisance. Two of these studies argue that injunctions have a positive impact on violent crime statistics, whereas the third concludes that they do not. By comparing these conflicting pieces of quantitative evidence, this thesis aims to gauge the actual effect of injunctions on crime rates and weigh the perceived benefits of this measure against its unintended negative effects.

Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis traces NSW Aboriginal political activity and demands from 1909 to 1939. In examining the background to the situations of Aboriginal communities in the early 1900's, two factors appear to have been of major importance. One was the degree of compatibility between Aboriginal and rural capitalist land use. The other was the labour requirements of rural industries. There are clear indications of internal colonial economic relations continuing until at least the late 1930's. As European land use intensified regionally, Aborigines attempted to secure their position by demanding tenure over land of significance to them. Initially, the creation of reserves was as much a result of this Aboriginal demand as of white settler desires to segregate Aborigines.

Zugl.: Luzern, Univ., Habil.-Schr., 2006

Thesis (L.L.M.)--University of Waikato, 2007. / Title from PDF cover (viewed March 14, 2008) Includes bibliographical references (p. 151-166)

Univ., Diss.--Göttingen, 2004. / Literaturverz. S. 291 - 317.