The Desire Housing Project opened in 1956 as a segregated public housing development in New Orleans‟ Upper Ninth Ward. The Desire neighborhood, one of the few neighborhoods in the city where black homeownership had been encouraged, was transformed by the project. Hundreds of former Desire residents were displaced by the mammoth project, which became home to more than 13,000 residents by 1958. Built on what had once been a landfill, the Desire Housing Project came to epitomize the worst in public housing, before it was torn down by 2001. Although the project was isolated from the rest of the city and lacked basic services, residents worked to create a viable community, in spite of the pitfalls of segregation. Within the context of the civil rights movement, Desire residents fought to bring in basic services, pushing local government to more fully develop their neighborhood.

This paper examines the experiences of rural black women in Mississippi during the Civil Rights Movement by examining correspondence of the grassroots anti-poverty organization the Box Project. The Box Project, founded in 1962 by white Vermont resident and radical activist Virginia Naeve, provided direct relief to black families living in Mississippi but also opened positive and clandestine lines of communication between southern black women and outsiders, most often white women. The efforts of the Box Project have been largely left out of the dialogue surrounding Civil Rights, which has often been dominated by leading figures, major events and national organizations. This paper seeks to understand the discreet but effective ways in which some black women, though constrained by motherhood, abject poverty, and rural isolation participated in the Civil Rights Movement, and how black and white women worked together to chip away at the foundations of inequality that Jim Crow produced.

Abstract The ultimate goal in the South was to end segregation, but nationwide equal-rights were the common goal of all African-Americans. Nonviolent protests and over aggressive police departments became the norm within the African-American community. Understated in the history of the Civil Rights Era is the role of armed resistance and Black Nationalism. Marcus Garvey, Stokely Carmichael, Huey P. Newton, and Malcolm X were Black Nationalists that led the charge of Black Nationalism worldwide. The Deacons of Defense, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO) and the Black Panther Party for Self Defense transformed the social makeup of the country and became major causes of the militarization of police departments across the United States. Many police departments across America began to create SWAT teams and use military-style weaponry following an outbreak of riots and the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In New Orleans, Louisiana, stand-offs and shoot-outs with Black Panther members warranted a call for military backup, but it was the acts of Mark James Robert Essex that totally militarized the New Orleans Police Department.

Este trabalho analisa o pensamento e os projetos políticos de Stokely Carmichael, ativista e intelectual negro de origem caribenha engajado nos movimentos pelos Direitos Civis, Black Power e pan-africanista nos Estados Unidos e internacionalmente, entre os anos de 1966 e 1971. O objetivo é realizar uma leitura crítica das duas principais obras do ativista: o livro Black Power: The Politics of Liberation e a coletânea de discursos e artigos intitulada Stokely Speaks: From Black Power to Pan-Africanism publicadas, respectivamente, em 1967 e 1971. No decorrer dos anos, a trajetória transnacional do ativista indica mudanças importantes no que diz respeito à sua ação e às suas crenças. Portanto, acompanhamos através dos seus escritos não apenas suas proposições o seu projeto político como os fundamentos para essas transformações pessoais que informaram seu ativismo político. Nesse sentido, trata-se de analisar as distintas maneiras pelas quais as identidades nacional e negra foram expressas pelo militante. / This work analyzes Stokely Carmichael\'s thought and political projects between 1966 and 1971. Carmichael was an activist and black intellectual engaged in the Civil Rights, Black Power, and Pan-African movements in the United States and abroad. The goal is to engage in a critical reading of the two main works published by Carmichael: Black Power: The Politics of Liberation and a collection of his speeches and articles entitled Stokely Speaks: From Black Power to Pan- Africanism published, respectively, in 1967 and 1971. In the course of the years, the activist\'s trajectory reveals important changes regarding his actions and his beliefs. Therefore, we followed in his writings not only his propositions - i.e., his political project - but also the reasons behind these personal transformations which impacted his political activism. In this sense, this work also discussed the various ways through which national and black identities were expressed by the militant.

This study explored the level of involvement of school social workers in the 504-Plan process as it relates to the administrative culture of school administrators, collaboration with school personnel, training on the 504-Plan process, and finally knowledge of Section 504. Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder affects over six-million children in the world today that may benefit from the use of a 504-Plan. A total of 147 school social workers participated in this study. A self-administered survey was used, and data analysis was conducted on two levels: descriptive which employed frequency and percent distributions of respondents and analytical procedures. The Kruskal-Wallis H test utilized for this study which indicated a statistically significant relationship which rejected the null hypotheses of all four research questions. A second test was then performed, Mann Whitney U test, to determine where the significance of the hypotheses lied. Findings revealed that overall there is a low level of involvement of school social workers in the 504-Plan process of 64.8%. Twenty-nine and a third percent reported a moderate level of involvement. There was a low to moderate level of administrative culture, moderate level of collaboration, training and knowledge among the school social workers.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-01T11:33:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos José Pinto.pdf: 9076516 bytes, checksum: 2792f36202c2a06a3e84a0fec54c7e9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T11:33:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos José Pinto.pdf: 9076516 bytes, checksum: 2792f36202c2a06a3e84a0fec54c7e9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-05 / This research aims to analyze the crime of forced disappearance of people in Brazil, in the recent brazilian military dictatorship context, verifying its origin and examining the internationals treaties and conventions about the subject. Cases of people’s forced disappearance in Brazil, that happened and were reported, will be approached, as well as the brazilian conviction imposed by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the Gomes Lund case, in addition to the historical and documentary work carried out by National Truth Commission. The question regarding the typification of lege ferenda will be approached, analyzing comparative law and the extraditions judged by the Federal Supreme Court about the subject. Will be demonstrated the need of typification of the crime in question, in addition to an approach about our slow transitional justice. This is a theoretical research, using the deductive method, whose techniques used to achieve the objectives outlined here basically consist on an investigation through theoretical sources such as normative, bibliographical, doctrinal and jurisprudential national and international, as well as other documentaries. The initial thesis is based on the affirmation that the absence of typification of this crime causes legal uncertainty in the internal legal order. The core of this investigation emphasizes that it is possible to punish state agents who committed human rights violations in Brazil, in our last government of exceptions. The topic deserves to be researched, given the shortage of doctrinal approaches in Brazil, with little jurisprudence on the subject. The views outlined here (legal uncertainty and grounds on the need for punishment of state agents), and the way in which they will be demonstrated, are the unpublished views on the way to deal with the subject. It is understood that the treatment of criminal matters involving the forced disappearance of people in Brazil should be based on a national law, that regulate this crime, in order to eliminate legal uncertainty and impunity, ensuring the effectiveness of justice and the strengthening of democracy / Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar o delito de desaparecimento forçado de pessoas no Brasil, contextualizando-o na recente ditadura militar brasileira, verificando-se sua origem e examinando-se os tratados e convenções internacionais que cuidam do assunto. Serão abordados os casos ocorridos e relatados de desaparecimento forçado de pessoas no Brasil, bem como a condenação brasileira imposta pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no caso Gomes Lund, além do trabalho histórico e documental efetuado pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade. Será tratada a questão relativa à tipificação de lege ferenda, analisando-se o direito comparado e as extradições julgadas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre o tema. Será demonstrada a necessidade de tipificação do crime em questão, além de uma abordagem sobre a nossa lenta justiça de transição. Realizou-se a pesquisa teórica com utilização do método dedutivo, cujas técnicas empregadas para a consecução dos objetivos aqui delineados consistem, basicamente, em uma investigação através de fontes teóricas, como as normativas, bibliográficas, doutrinárias e jurisprudenciais nacionais e internacionais, além de outras documentais. A tese inicial baseia-se na afirmação de que a ausência de tipificação deste crime causa insegurança jurídica no ordenamento jurídico interno. O núcleo central desta investigação enfatiza que é possível a punição dos agentes estatais que cometeram violações de Direitos Humanos no Brasil, em nosso último governo de exceção. O tema merece ser pesquisado, ante a escassez de abordagens doutrinárias no Brasil, havendo pouca jurisprudência sobre o assunto. As visões aqui delineadas (insegurança jurídica e fundamentos sobre a necessidade de punição dos agentes estatais), e o modo como serão demonstradas, constituem o ineditismo quanto ao enfrentamento do tema. Entende-se que o tratamento das questões criminais que envolvem o desaparecimento forçado de pessoas no Brasil deve se basear em uma lei nacional, que regulamente este delito, a fim de se eliminar a insegurança jurídica e a impunidade, assegurando-se a efetivação da justiça e o fortalecimento da democracia

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-17T11:53:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Nathalia Carolini Mendes dos Santos.pdf: 970157 bytes, checksum: 8c0beb5e48612ade18d83f8e931b6c02 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-17T11:53:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nathalia Carolini Mendes dos Santos.pdf: 970157 bytes, checksum: 8c0beb5e48612ade18d83f8e931b6c02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-11-26 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Although there is still a long way for transsexuals to have their rights fully assured in Brazil, in recent years many achievements have been achieved. The national and international political agenda included the struggle linked by years of social movements in the pursuit of equality of conditions, respect, freedom, dignified life and full exercise of citizenship for the LGBTI + population. The Brazilian legal system is flawed and does not specifically regulate the protection and defense of transsexuals who, in order to eliminate invisibility and persecution, have found in the evolution of human rights and constitutional principles the chance of recognition before the community, leaving gradually to be part of a group that survives on the fringes of society, consistently considered as rests or "something" that should not exist, sometimes inhabiting the underworld of prostitution in search of at least sustenance. However, this path has not been easy and there are still many difficulties in the effectiveness of these rights, since prejudice, discrimination and intolerance create many obstacles. In view of this, the present study analyzed the legal protection of transsexuals and their effectiveness, through affirmative actions to combat discrimination as a way to ensure the existential minimum, guaranteeing inclusion in the labor market and in all social segments, stressing the the need for a regulatory law that criminalizes discriminatory practices, intolerance or violates fundamental rights, and finally, the strengthening of the work of the Public Labor Ministry in monitoring compliance with labor legislation, following up on complaints and stimulating their implementation / Apesar de ainda faltar muito para que os transexuais tenham seus direitos plenamente assegurados no Brasil, nos últimos anos, muitas conquistas foram alcançadas. A agenda política nacional e internacional incluiu a luta encadeada por anos dos movimentos sociais na busca de igualdade de condições, respeito, liberdade, vida digna e pleno exercício da cidadania para a população LGBTI+. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro é falho e não regulamenta, de forma específica, a proteção e a defesa dos transexuais que, no intuito de eliminar a invisibilidade e a perseguição, encontraram na evolução dos direitos humanos e princípios constitucionais a chance de reconhecimento perante a coletividade, deixando, paulatinamente, de fazer parte de um grupo que sobrevive à margem da sociedade, considerado de forma constante como rés ou “algo” que não deveria existir, por vezes habitando o submundo da prostituição em busca, ao menos, de sustento. No entanto, esse caminho não foi fácil e ainda restam inúmeras dificuldades na efetividade desses direitos, pois o preconceito, a discriminação e a intolerância criam numerosos obstáculos. Em vista disso, o presente estudo analisou a proteção jurídica dos transexuais e sua efetividade, por meio de ações afirmativas de combate à discriminação como forma de assegurar o mínimo existencial, garantindo a inclusão no mercado de trabalho e em todos os segmentos sociais, frisando a necessidade de lei regulamentar que criminalize práticas discriminatórias, intolerância ou violem os direitos fundamentais e, por fim, o fortalecimento da atuação do Ministério Público do Trabalho na fiscalização do cumprimento da legislação trabalhista, acompanhando denúncias e estimulando a sua realização

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:32:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carla Carolina Pinheiro Anunciacao.pdf: 942194 bytes, checksum: 158acd604c1bbc5229dd047d92815561 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-28 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis traces the meanings of justice established by juveniles through their experiences in restorative circles, addressing the emergence of restorative justice in Brazil; the changes occurring with the reforms in the judiciary and the emergence of new perspectives of law. Address the figures of justice developed by the French author François Ewald and presents the philosophical and methodological models of restorative and retributive justice. Discusses features of the social, political and legal Brazilian issues, and mentions several articles and research that contribute to the understanding of the relationship between youth and legal system. And presents, analyzes and discusses the meanings of justice raised by young people and the impact of experience in restorative practices / A presente dissertação trata de rastrear os sentidos de justiça que jovens constroem a partir da experiência vivenciada em círculos restaurativos, abordando, inicialmente, a emergência da Justiça Restaurativa no Brasil; as transformações ocorridas com as reformas no sistema judiciário e o surgimento de novas perspectivas do Direito. Desenha as figuras de justiça desenvolvidas pelo autor francês François Ewald e apresenta os pressupostos filosóficos e metodológicos dos modelos de justiça restaurativo e retributivo. Aborda particularidades do contexto social, político e jurídico brasileiro, e apresenta diversos artigos e pesquisas que contribuem para o entendimento da relação dos jovens com a justiça. E apresenta, analisa e discute os sentidos de justiça levantados pelos jovens, bem como o impacto da experiência em práticas restaurativas

This dissertation engages with and contributes to a growing literature on procedural approaches in theorizing, monitoring and adjudicating social and economic rights, with reference to new governance literature. It analyzes a move in social and economic rights away from the generation and monitoring of substantive norms by treaty monitors, judges, and scholars, and toward processes designed to generate accountable, participatory, non-uniform, iterative responses to rights broadly conceived. The first paper explores the emphasis on new governance style proceduralism in the adjudication of these rights. The second focuses on the right to health and considers how collaborations among criminal justice, public health, and community actors can be informed by the new proceduralism in state responses to non-disclosure of HIV-status in sexual relationships. The third and final article argues that the use of new governance style proceduralism for rationalizing the distribution of publicly-funded health care resources in Canada dovetails with the emergent focus on process in human rights to open space for more meaningful human rights scrutiny. Each of the three papers concludes with a discussion of the limits of these emerging approaches.

As modern gender movements shift our cultural norms, the literature describing Title IX suggests possibly concerning trends in both hiring and policy. Many university administrations and recent legislation have promoted a defensive, legal-minded and objective approach to handling Title IX cases. Since the April 2011 Dear Colleague Letter, which delivered a mandated timeframe and eased the burden of evidence, the number of cases the Office for Civil Rights have grown significantly. The number of cases continues growing despite huge increases in labor hours and financial resources being diverted to Title IX enforcement. In contrast, research has demonstrated that education, such as bystander training is a proven deterrence to campus sexual assault. By prioritizing investigation and limiting compliance officers legally acceptable options, we have perhaps shifted officers time away from actions which might lead to more positive outcomes including reducing the overall campus-wide criminal incidence frequency. This qualitative case study was designed to explore how higher education compliance officers learn to manage new requirements in a dynamic regulatory environment. The site for the study included private and public colleges and universities in the northeastern part of the U.S. The primary sources of data were in-depth interviews with nineteen Title IX compliance officers supplemented by an extensive review of relevant documents. Key findings that emerged include: (1) A majority of compliance officers defined the need to interpret new regulations with general counsel before communicating resulting changes to stakeholders. (2) All regulators learn through informal learning means; dialogue and critical reflection were universally reported as the most frequent pathways by which regulators made meaning of new regulations. (3) Most compliance officers described sharing information with peers as most helpful to them in completing regulatory tasks. Trends in Title IX compliance hiring and labor hour allocation appear to not address the growing frequency of OCR investigations. Real changes to campus policy, including budget priorities, training and the use of student activists may allow universities to better optimize the money and personal they invest toward Title IX.