Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The community of the Western Cape carries the burden of the serious consequences of alcohol addiction. Alcohol abuse is very common and the consequences range from severe to devastating, not just for the individual but also for the family and the community as a whole. If answers are sought within the community, the problem deepens, and it becomes apparent why the problem of alcohol abuse is not being successfully addressed. The addict refuses treatment, the community respects the autonomy of the individual, and the problem drags on. The community also has many misperceptions concerning the causes and perpetuation of the pathological drinking behaviour of the addict, and are thus not equipped with the knowledge necessary to suggest the correct interventions for this physical and psychological illness. There is also concern that a person's autonomy and human rights are so highly regarded in the community that the appropriate treatment necessary for this serious disorder of addiction does not receive the attention it deserves. This paper investigates the causes of alcoholism and the factors which reinforce a person's drinking behaviour. The autonomy of the alcoholic is challenged and examined in depth. The importance currently assigned to autonomy and individual rights is questioned, and balanced against other important moral and ethical principles of our time. Alcohol is a drug which causes physical and psychological addiction. Addiction literally means "under the control" of something. Alcohol use is a socially acceptable habit. The psychotropic (calming) effect of alcohol serves as an effective support in or escape from stress in the life of the individual. There are also "vulnerable" individuals in the community in whom a genetic predisposition increases the chance of the development of alcohol dependence. In spite of the fact that alcohol dependence is an acquired physical condition, nobody intentionally becomes addicted to alcohol. With the knowledge of the power that addiction exercises over the life of the individual, attention is now given to the autonomy of the addict, and his/her capacity for rational decision making. The significance of the decision to request treatment for the individual, his/her family and the community is balanced against competency to take the decision. Argument is developed towards the conclusion that the alcoholic is indeed not autonomous, and does not have the competency to make decisions concerning treatment. If the autonomy of the addict is thus questioned, the way in which the person is then treated by the community becomes a difficult moral dilemma. The community's responsibility of care towards the individual and the wider community are jeopardized. The ethical principles of deontology (rules), utilitarianism (the best result for the greatest number), autonomy versus beneficence, solicitude, virtue, human rights and other principles are discussed in depth. A solution is sought that will eventually be "good" for the addict and the community. The conclusion is reached that it is "good" to intervene in the life of the addict at a certain stage of addiction. Involuntary treatment is suggested as one possible way of attacking the problem of serious alcohol abuse that is threatening to overwhelm the community. Practical suggestions are offered for the renewed application of existing treatment structures and legislation to the benefit of the addict and the community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gemeenskap in die Wes-Kaap gaan gebuk onder die ernstige gevolge wat alkoholverslaafdheid meebring. Alkoholmisbruik is baie algemeen en het ernstige tot vernietigende gevolge, nie net vir die induvidu nie, maar ook vir die gesin en die gemeenskap as geheel. As daar na antwoorde vir hierdie probleem in die gemeenskap gesoek word, verdiep die probleem en kom dit duidelik aan die lig waarom die probleem van alkoholmisbruik nie suksesvol aangespreek kan word nie. Die verslaafde persoon weier behandeling, die gemeenskap respekteer die indivdu sy · outonomiteit en die proble~m sleep voort. Die gemeenskap het ook baie wanopvattings omtrent die oorsake en instandhouding van die verslaafde se patologiese drinkgedrag en is dus nie met die nodige kennis toegerus om die korrekte ingrepe vir hierdie fisiese en psigiese siektetoestand voor te stel nie. Daar is ook kommer dat die gemeenskap 'n persoon se outonomiteit menseregte s6 hoog aanslaan dat 1 die toepaslike hantering van die ernstige verslawing nie tot sy reg kom nie. Hierdie werkstuk ondersoek die oorsake van alkoholisme en die faktore wat die persoon se drinkgedrag versterk. Die alkoholverslaafde se outonomiteit word uitgedaag en in diepte ondersoek. Die gewig wat 'n persoon se outonomiteit en 'regte' in die gemeenskap dra, word bevraagteken en met ander belangrike moreel etiese beginsels van die dag gebalanseer. Alkohol is 'n dwelm wat fisiese en psigiese verslaafdheid veroorsaak. Verslaafdheid beteken letterlik 'onder die beheer' van daardie substans. Alkohol gebruik is sosiaal 'n aanvaarbare gewoonte. Alkohol se psigotrope effek (kalmerend) dien as 'n effektiewe stut of ontvlugting vir stres in die lewe van die individu. Daar is ook 'kwesbare' individue in die gemeenskap waar 'n genetiese predisposisie die persoon meer 'vatbaar maak vir die ontwikkeling van alkohol afhanklikheid. Ten spyte van die feit dat alkohol-afhanklikheid 'n verworwe fisiese toestand is, raak niemand 'moedswillig' aan alkohol verslaaf nie. Met die kennis van die krag wat verslawing op die individua se lewe uitoefen as agtergrond word daar voorts gekyk na die outonomie en die verslaafde se vermoe tot rasionele besluitname. Die gewigtigheid van die besluit tot behandeling vir die individu, sy gesin en die gemeenskap word met kompetensie tot besluitname gebalanseer. Arguemente word gebou wat tot die gevolgtrekking lei dat die alkohol-afhanklike inderdaad nie outonoom is en nie die kapasiteit vir die neem van behandelingsbesluite besit nie. Indien die verslaafde se outonomiteit dan bevraagteken word, word die gemeenskap se verdere hantering van die persoon 'n groot morele dilemma. Die gemeenskap se verantwoordelikheid van sorg teenoor die individu en die groter gemeenskap kom in gedrang. Die etiese beginsels van deontologie (reels), konsekwensialisme (die beste vir die meeste), outonomiteit versus goedwilligheid, sorgsaamheid, deug, menseregte en ander beginsels word in diepte bespreek. Daar word voorgestel dat die gemeenskap se plig tot so~g, in die geval van endstadium alkoholisme, moreel sterker is as bloot die respek vir outonomie. Daar word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat dit 'goed' is om op 'n sekere stadium van verslawing in die lewe van 'n persoon in te gryp.· Nie-vrywillige behandeling word voorgestel as bloot een van die aanslae vanuit die gemeenskap om die ernstige probleem van alkoholmisbruik wat besig is om die gemeenskap te oorweldig aan te pak. Praktiese voorstelle word gemaak om huidige behandelingsstrukture en wetgewing opnuut tot voordeel van die verslaafde en die gemeenskap aan te wend.

Thesis (LL.M.)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recognition of the socio-economic imbalances inherited from the past and the abject poverty experienced by many, the people of South Africa adopted a Constitution fully committed to protecting socio-economic rights and advancing social justice. Apartheid constituted a violation of every internationally recognised human right. Seen in this light the emphasis on socio-economic rights in the new South African Constitution represents a commitment to guarantee to everyone in society a certain minimum standard of living below which they will not be allowed to fall. As the Constitution recognises socio-economic rights as justiciable rights, they can be of assistance to those who are unable to support themselves when challenging the state for the non-delivery of basic services. The duty to deliver the services lies first with the state and the court becomes involved only once it is alleged that the state has failed to fulfil its duty. The primary purpose of the study is aimed at determining the effectiveness of the South African Human Rights Commission in monitoring court orders in respect of the implementation of socio-economic rights. Non-Governmental Organisations, involved in the promotion and protection of human rights including socio-economic rights, cannot be left out of the process. It is argued that where the Courts issue structural interdicts, which have of late been used by them, albeit not enough in the context of socio-economic rights, they are responsible for the implementation of such orders. It is also argued that the South African Human Rights Commission and NGOs must be enjoined to ensure that court orders are better implemented. Court orders in respect of socio-economic rights in almost all the cases to date were neither implemented nor monitored adequately. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ter erkenning van die sosio-ekonomiese ongelykhede wat post-apartheid Suid- Afrika geërf het en die volslae armoede waaraan talle Suid-Afrikaners onderwerp is, het die mense van Suid-Afrika 'n grondwet aanvaar wat verbonde is tot die beskerming van sosio-ekonomiese regte en die bevordering van maatskaplike geregtigheid. Apartheid het elke internasionaal-erkende mensereg geskend. Teen hierdie agtergrond verteenwoordig die klem op sosioekonomiese regte in die nuwe Suid-Afrikaanse grondwet 'n verbondenheid daartoe om vir elkeen in die maatskappy 'n bepaalde minimum lewensstandaard te waarborg, waaronder hulle nie toegelaat sal word om te sak nie. Aangesien die grondwet sosio-ekonomiese regte as beregbare regte erken, kan hierdie regte van nut wees vir mense wat hulself nie kan onderhou nie, as hulle die staat uitdaag omdat basiese dienste nie gelewer word nie. Die plig om dienste te lewer berus eerstens by die staat, met die gevolg dat die hof eers betrokke raak as die staat nie daarin slaag om sy plig te vervul nie. Die primêre doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stel hoe effektief die Suid- Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie is met die monitering van hofbevele wat betrekking het op die verwesenliking van sosio-ekonomiese regte. Nieregeringsinstansies wat betrokke is by die bevordering en beserkming van menseregte, met inbegrip van sosio-ekonomiese regte, kan egter nie uit die proses gelaat word nie. In hierdie studie word aangevoer dat waar die strukturele interdikte gee, soos wat in die onlangse verlede gebeur het, selfs al is dit nie genoeg in die konteks van sosio-ekonomiese regte nie, hulle ook verantwoordelikheid is daarvoor dat sulke bevele uitgevoer word. Dit word verder gestel dat die Suid-Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie en nieregeringsinstansies moet saamwerk om te verseker dat hofbevele beter uitgevoer word. Tot op datum is amper geen hofbevele oor sosio-ekonomiese regte bevredigend uitgevoer of genoegsaam gemoniteer nie.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Socio-economic rights are the subject of much debate in South Africa and elsewhere. At first they were simply denied the status of any rights at all. Lately, there is a fair amount of recognition for them as rights. The tendency is, however, to relegate them to paper rights and invest very little effort in bringing about their actual realisation. In this thesis I inquire into the question of what a human right, properly so called, is, and then whether, in the light of that inquiry, there is a basis for the reluctance to embrace socio-economic rights. South Africa is uniquely fortunate in having a constitution that gives recognition to socio-economic rights and requiring the Human Rights Commission to monitor their implementation. But again there is a risk that the recognition of socioeconomic rights is left as a constitutional matter, and nothing or little is done for their practical implementation. Therefore I inquire into the manner in which the Human Rights Commission monitors the implementation of these rights. The inquiry into the Human Rights Commission's monitoring role is largely a question of methodology. Whether, in other words, the methods of the Commission are such as to yield reliable information on the subject. I also inquire whether the government's budgetary allocations indicate a serious approach to these rights. The budgetary allocations that are brought under the microscope relate to the seven core rights enshrined in the constitution, namely, housing, health care, food, water, social security, education, and environmental rights. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sosio-ekonomiese regte is die onderwerp van vele debatte in Suid-Afrika en elders. Aanvanklik was daar nie erkenning gegee aan die status van hierdie regte nie. Hierdie situasie het die afgelope tyd begin verander. Die tendens is egter steeds om dit te sien as regte slegs op papier en daar word nie 'n poging aangewend vir die realisering van hierdie regte nie. Ek ondersoek in hierdie tesis die kwessie van wat 'n mensereg, korrek so genoem, is en ook of, in die lig van hierdie ondersoek, daar 'n basis is vir die huiwering om sosio-ekonomiese regte te aanvaar. Suid-Afrika is uniek in die sin dat die konstitusie erkenning gee aan sosioekonomiese regte en die Waarheid-en Versoeningskommissie opdrag gegee het om die implementering daarvan te monitor. Daar is egter weereens die risiko dat die erkenning van sosio-ekonomiese regte slegs gesien word as 'n konstitusionele aangeleentheid en dat niks of baie min gedoen word rakende die praktiese implementering daarvan. Ek stel daarom ook ondersoek in na die wyse waarop die Menseregtekommissie die implementering van hierdie regte moniteer. Die ondersoek na die monitering van die Menseregtekommissie is hoofsaaklik metodologies van aard; dus of die metodes wat gebruik is, deur die Menseregtekommissie, betroubare inligting verskaf. Ek ondersoek ook of die regering se begrotingallokasies 'n ernstige ingesteldheid jeens hierdie regte toon. Die begrotingsaspekte wat ondersoek word hou verband met die sewe kernregte soos vervat in die konstitusie naamlik behuising, gesondheidsorg, voedsel, water, sosiale sekuriteit, opvoeding en omgewingsregte.

This study assesses the levels of diversity in the jury source lists in the State of Georgia utilizing voter registration data as of February 1997, and the effects of the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA) on diversity levels. The data indicates that, while the NVRA has increased registration rates, the rates for blacks has been only slightly higher than that of whites. Thus, the problems of diversity have not been significantly effected by the NVRA.This paper discusses the issue of cognizable class, and reiterates arguments supporting the recognition of young persons and non-voters as cognizable. Also assessed are the methods of measuring source list disparity, with attention given to problems associated with the absolute disparity test, and argues for the use of the Chi-Square "Goodness of Fit" test to measure source list disparity.Current levels of disparity are calculated using both absolute disparity and ChiSquare. These are found in the appendix. Analysis is done by assessing the percentage of source lists (for which there is data) that should be presumed invalid using the five percent criterion for absolute disparity and the fifty percent criterion for Chi-Square.Analysis using both absolute disparity and Chi-Square indicates that many source lists in the State of Georgia are not representative of the population. While absolute disparity invalidates only few source lists, the Chi-Square statistic indicates that the problem is much more widespread.Both absolute disparity and Chi-Square results indicate that age is the most important variable with regard to under-representation. Young persons (18-29) are found to be under-represented more often than any other group regardless of race and/or sex. This is particularly evident when looking at the Chi-square results. While blacks are generally found to be under-represented more often when compared to similar sex and age aggregates for whites, the levels of under-representation of race and sex aggregates remain closely related to age. / Department of Political Science

Comment comprendre la volonté d'appartenir à la nation américaine des Afro-Américains en dépit d'une mémoire faite d'humiliation et d'une accumulation de revers? À plusieurs reprises durant l'histoire américaine, des élites ont proposé à la communauté noire des solutions dites « radicales » qui remettent en question le paradigme dominant de l'intégration à la nation américaine. Ce mémoire tente d'identifier les raisons qui expliquent pourquoi, au cours du mouvement pour les droits civiques, les Noirs font le choix de l'intégration défendu par Martin Luther King et rejettent le séparatisme défendu par Malcolm X. La spécificité du mémoire réside dans l'utilisation de la littérature sur la formation des nations qui me permet d'étudier le choix des Afro-Américains. La nation est vue comme le produit d'une construction qui fait interagir les élites et les masses. J'étudie « par le haut » la façon dont les entrepreneurs ethniques, King et Malcolm X, redéfinissent l'américanité. J'étudie également « par le bas » comment les masses reçoivent les discours de ces élites. Ma première hypothèse se consacre à la formation de l'alliance stratégique entre King et l'exécutif américain qui permet à King de définir l'agenda législatif et d'appuyer son discours sur les gains qu'il réalise. La deuxième hypothèse se penche sur la structure des opportunités s'offrant aux Afro-Américains qui orientent le choix qu'ils font. / How can one understand the African American community's will to belong to the American nation despite a past made of humiliation and an accumulation of setbacks? At several times during American history, elites have proposed so-called « radical » solutions that challenged the dominant paradigm of integration to the American nation. This thesis attempts to identify the reasons why, during the civil rights movement, the black community chose integrationnism championed by Martin Luther King, and rejected separatism advocated by Malcolm X. The specificity of this thesis lies in the use of the literature on the formation of nations, which allowed me to better understand the African American community's choice. The nation is seen as the product of a construction where elites and masses interact. « From the top », I analyzed how ethnic entrepreneurs King and Malcolm X redefined Americanness. « From the bottom », I analyzed how masses received the elites' discourse. My first assumption focuses on the strategic alliance between King and the American executive, which allowed King to define the legislative agenda and base his speech on actual gains he obtained. The second assumption focuses on the structure of the opportunities for African Americans that oriented the choices they made.

Ernest “Dutch” Morial’s 1977 grassroots mayoral campaign disrupted the political status quo in New Orleans with his message of citizen participation. Morial’s citizen-driven campaign reached over the constituencies of established Black Political Organizations, capturing an eager audience with his message of political, social, and economic equality. With the help of volunteers and other community organizations, Morial created a grassroots campaign that focused on making city government more inclusive. Unattached to the traditional patronage structure, Mayor Morial empowered the black community, reducing the constraints of their political access. Although his legacy is difficult to discern in New Orleans current political realities, Morial’s first campaign and administrations represent a departure from the political status-quo and the powerful patronage structures critical to their status.

A major objective of the Human Rights Act (HRA) was to bring about a culture of rights in the UK. Its introduction fore-grounded questions about the use of rights to advance social justice issues and was the impetus for this research. At about the same as the Act came into effect another law, Section 55, an antithesis of what the HRA promised, was passed which forced thousands of asylum-seekers into destitution. Section 55 became a major battleground pitting non-governmental organisations (NGOs) against the Home Office in a three-year long campaign, characterised by rancour and viciousness, unlike any in recent memory. The NGOs, with the new HRA as a key part of their strategy, defeated the legislation. This thesis, a bottom-up case study of rights at work, examines the role of rights in the campaign to assess (1) if rights brought about social changes and (2) is a culture of rights developing in the UK? The paper first considers the various theoretical frameworks on rights and social change and analyses various case studies of rights at work. Context is important; therefore, it also examines how asylum has come to be framed in present-day discourse, with an overview on the evolution of welfare as a coercive measure. The study, framed against current events of the day, concludes that while test-case challenges eventually defeated Section 55 welfare as a coercive measure continues. In short, the HRA has proven to be ineffective against illiberal policies and the development of a culture of rights, insofar as asylum is concerned, has stalled. And it has happened with deliberation by a government determined to be tough on asylum irrespective of the HRA.

This thesis examines Britain’s role in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Based on multi-archival research and interviews with key diplomats, it presents the first in-depth study of Britain’s involvement in the negotiations leading up to the Helsinki Final Act of 1 August 1975. It draws on Marc Trachtenberg’s notion of the ‘constructed peace’, and Alexander Wendt’s concept of ‘cultures of anarchy’ to elucidate how the rapprochement process at once stabilised and transformed the East-West conflict. This forms the theoretical framework of the thesis. The thesis revises the interpretation of détente as a status quo project driven by the imperatives of ‘Realpolitik’. Rather, different conceptions of stability and change challenged each other during the Helsinki talks. British diplomacy and the Final Act to which it contributed in fact linked the consolidation of the status quo to an ultimately transformative agenda that was infused with liberal ideas such as human rights. Realpolitik blended with Moralpolitik. To develop this argument, the thesis’ narrative first assesses Britain’s role in the early days of détente politics in the 1950s and 1960s. It then traces Britain’s role in the three main phases of the Helsinki process: the transition from bilateral to multilateral détente (1970-1972); preliminary talks (1972-1973); official negotiations (1973-1975). The British were defensive détente sceptics at the beginning of this process, but became ambitious and positive contributors over the course of the talks. The thesis thus argues that London played a significant part in the CSCE. British foreign policymakers were initially architects of the Cold War, but then early and active proponents of détente until the mid-1960s, when their continental partners adopted a more proactive approach. London was to return to the forefront of détente diplomacy when the CSCE process got under way. Its involvement in the CSCE also marked an important step in Britain’s own transformation into a European middle power. The multilateralisation of détente coincided with Britain’s integration into the European Community, providing a propitious environment in which London’s negotiators acted with determination and skill, thus reasserting their country’s influence despite its continuing relative decline.

Containing portraiture and biography as well as protest text and affirmative text, African- American Illustrated biographical dictionaries made from 1876 to 1917 present Social Gospel ideology and are examples of Afro-Protestantism. They are similar to the first American illustrated biographical dictionaries of the 1810s in that they formed social identity after national conflict while contesting concepts of social inferiority. The production of these books occurred during the early years of Jim Crow, a period of momentous change to the legal and social fabric of the United States, and because of momentous changes in modern American print industries. While portraits within the books simultaneously form, blur, and stabilize identity, biographies convey themes of perseverance, social equity, and social struggle. More specifically, text formed an imagined community in the African-American middle class imaginary. It worked together with image to help create a proto-Civil Rights social movement identity during the beginning of racial apartheid.

La Seconde Guerre mondiale était riche en possibilités d’avancement pour la population noire. Les leaders afro-américains, conscients du caractère favorable du contexte, mirent sur pied de nouvelles stratégies afin d’optimiser les gains afro-américains. L’économie de guerre favorisa les migrations internes vers les centres industriels du Nord et de l’Ouest. Les migrants noirs s’extirpaient donc du carcan contraignant du Sud où ils étaient régulièrement privés de leur droit de vote. Les leaders noirs brandirent alors un nouvel outil pour faire pression sur les deux principaux partis politiques fédéraux : le nouveau poids électoral afro-américain. La période fut aussi marquée par une hausse de l’activisme noir. Celui-ci se voyait légitimé par les idéaux de liberté et de démocratie prétendument défendus par les États-Unis. Finalement, le plein-emploi permit l’essor du statut économique noir et les leaders afro-américains tentèrent d’exploiter cette conjoncture particulière afin d’en faire bénéficier leur communauté à long terme. / The Second World War was a period of opportunities for African-Americans. The Black leadership, aware of the favorable context, tried to exploit it to the fullest. Internal migrations from the South to the industrial centers of the North and West were facilitated by the war economy. Participating in this exodus, Blacks extirpated themselves from the politically constrictive region that often deprived them of their voting rights. By the end of the war, African-American leaders were able to wield a new weapon to pressure political parties and the government: the electoral weight of Blacks in northern States. The war was also characterized by heightened black activism. The ideals of democracy and liberty defended by the U.S. provided a new legitimacy to African-American yearnings. Ultimately, the full-employment that resulted from the war allowed Blacks to improve their economic status while their leaders were actively working to secure these gains in the long term.