<p>This dissertation examines the political response of gay and lesbian organizations to the HIV/AIDS crisis through the lens of disability. When the National Gay Task Force (NGTF) formed in the 1970s, their early political efforts confronted the stigma and exclusion associated with the American Psychiatric Association’s disabling label. In the 1980s, gay and lesbian organizations faced a deadly epidemic—AIDS. The high cost of medical care left people with AIDS destitute. NGTF pressed the Social Security Administration to modify their disability criteria to recognize AIDS and ARC as qualifying disabilities. Fear and homophobia left people with AIDS vulnerable to employment, housing and medical discrimination as well as social ostracism. Gay Men’s Health Crisis and Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund countered AIDS discrimination in New York through collaborative efforts with city and state agencies. Disability rights codes and laws offered people with AIDS some protection against discrimination. The Task Force, the Gay Rights National Lobby and the Disability Rights Defense & Education Fund joined the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights in 1982. While the Conference did not engage in the campaign for gay and lesbian rights in the 1980s, their extended legislative crusade for the Civil Rights Restoration Act would bring AIDS onto the battlefield. This study finds these various antecedents came into play during the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) to the extent that gay and lesbian organizations could describe the ADA as an “AIDS bill” in terms of both their political participation and the text protecting people with contagious diseases who were not a threat.<br></p>

It’s been more than a decade since the National Institute of Mental Health (NAMI) initiated its public campaign, ‘Real Men Real Depression.’ Despite increased awareness, research and relevant studies indicate that African American / Black men continue to underutilize mental health treatment while still having the highest all-cause mortality rates of any racial/ ethnic group in the United States. When reading this statement, one must question what impact that the beliefs about ‘social workers’ through the lens of Black males in the United States, may play. This very simply, yet flammable, question not only seems pertinent but also seems to warrant further exploration due to the research that shows that service access and help-seeking by African-American males across the lifespan is significantly lower than that of their non-Black counterparts. That same research seems to make assumptions about why this is, however it is only responsible and ethical, given the National Association of Social workers’ (NASW) Code of Ethics calling for cultural competence in practice, that we challenge and test the rationales being offered. This study was exploratory in nature, employed a snowball sampling methodology, and utilized an electronic survey offered through social media and promoted by word of mouth, targeting Black males over the age of 18, to assess their overall knowledge about being a social worker, and their beliefs and perceptions about social workers and how they believe social workers perceive them. The goal of this study was to begin to explore the reasons for overwhelming statistics that speak to the fact that Black males do not access mental health services, especially those provided by social workers. A total of 59 were started, and 43 completed, by the target respondents, which included a 5-item scale, to assess basic knowledge about social workers, a 10-item scale to assess the general beliefs about social workers, and 13-item scale to assess the beliefs about the perceptions of social workers about Black males. Univariate and bivariate analyses were performed using SPSS, and the results revealed that although there was a moderate level of general knowledge about social workers, the general belief of the respondents were primarily negative, with their beliefs about how social workers see Black males was just slightly more positive. These results seemed to be across the board and were not shown to be correlated with level of education, income, or whether they has received direct services provided by social workers or had no affiliation with such services. What did seem to have some relevance was an overall negative belief about social workers, and a level of suspicion and distrust for how their information would be used, as evidenced by 16 respondents who started the survey but would not completed it. In keeping with the NASW Code of Ethics, recommendation are provided to helps clinicians and those social workers providing direct service, be informed of the suspicions and apprehensions among this population, while encouraging the importance of continuous learning and increasing of cultural competence, awareness and humility. Lastly, recommendations for future research are also provided for the same purposes.

This research presents an overview of ethnic residential segregation in London, England, from 2001 to 2011 using four different methods of measurement. The purpose of the study was to both examine changes in the level of segregation among different ethnic groups between census dates and to compare various methods of measurement. Using the Index of Dissimilarity, Poulsen et al.'s (2001) typology classification and two different local statistics (Getis-Ord G* and Anselin Local Moran's I), the levels of concentration of the five main ethnic minority groups in London were measured for data from the 2001 and 2011 censuses. The five ethnic minority groups studied were: Black African, Black Caribbean, Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi. Of the five populations analyzed, only the Black Caribbean population showed any decrease in its overall level of segregation, while the other four all saw slight increases in segregation over the period. After comparing the four methods used, it was determined that while all offer a different perspective on the segregation of groups across space, the Anselin Local Moran's I statistic provides the most detailed result of variation in concentration across space.

In the mid-1970s, state courts began to interpret state constitutions independently of the federal constitution in a way that provided greater protection for individual rights at the state versus federal level. Scholars have generally attributed the rise of this movement, known as state constitutionalism, to the actions and scholarship of judges and point to the cause as a fear that the Burger court would rollback Warren court era protections for individual rights. In reality, the concept of state constitutionalism had been present throughout the 1950s-1970s period of state constitutional revision and was deeply influenced by concerns over the status of the federal system. Montana's 1972 Constitutional Convention illustrates the role that constitutional revision had in the subsequent adoption of state constitutionalism. In particular, the creation, adoption, and interpretation of two provisions--the privacy and dignity clauses--shows that the public was engaged in a conscious decision to go beyond the federal protections for individual rights. Montana's experience suggests that further research is needed in order for scholars to fully understand the rise and adoption of state constitutionalism.

On March 14, 1975, twenty-eight year old Portland Police Officer Kenneth Sanford shot and killed seventeen-year-old Rickie Charles Johnson in the back of the head during a sting operation. Incredulously, Johnson was the fourth person of color to be shot and killed by Portland police within a five-month period. Due to his age and surrounding circumstances, Johnson's death by Sanford elicited extreme reactions from varied communities of Portland. Unlike previous deaths of people of color by the police in Portland, Johnson's death received widespread attention from mainstream media outlets. In response, some white citizens decried Johnson's death as unjustified police brutality. Still, several white citizens defended the Portland Police Bureau and their actions. Members of Portland's African American community, however, firmly believed that Johnson's death was just another instance in the PPB's long history of police brutality within Portland's black neighborhoods. Johnson's death motivated young black activists in Portland, Oregon to form the advocacy group the Black Justice Committee (BJC). The BJC, along with several pre-established advocacy groups in Portland, demanded that the city host its first public inquest to investigate Johnson's death. A public inquest is a public "trial" that usually occurs after a sudden or unexpected death. Black citizens felt this public inquest would hold the city accountable for repeated mistreatment of the city's communities of color; whereas, the nearly all white city government believed a public inquest would quell racial unrest within Portland. Mayor Neil Goldschmidt and District Attorney Harl Haas agreed to host the inquest, at which assistant District Attorney John Moore questioned Officer Sanford's motivations and actions. Despite the advocacy efforts before the public inquest, the jury voted 4-1 for Sanford's innocence. The only black jury member casted the sole vote against Sanford's innocence. Heralded for its progressivity, the city of Portland, Oregon is contemporarily viewed as a liberal mecca where all are welcome to speak their truth and "Keep Portland Weird." However, communities of color have experienced widespread repression, oppression and discrimination since the establishment of the city. Whereas some may see Portland as a city that cherishes individuality, Portland's black community has been robbed of autonomy for generations. Police surveillance, harassment and brutality have plagued Portland's black community for years and continues to be a contentious issue within the city. This project focuses on the history of Portland's black community, the history of the Portland Police Bureau, and the relationship between the two. Starting with World War II and ending with Officer Sanford's public inquest in April 1975, this thesis showcases the unassailability of Portland's black activist community and the city's continued denial of culpability for police actions. Despite the inquest's results, Johnson's death and the advocacy surrounding the incident fueled the motivations of activists at both the national and state level, and encouraged the city to acknowledge the wrongdoings of the Bureau.

Thesis (LLM. (Labour Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The discussion looks at the history of commercial sex and how it has evolved in South Africa. The discussion evaluates the challenges that commercial sex workers face in South Africa and argues that the dignity of sex workers as citizens of South Africa are infringed and it would seem that less is being done to protect these workers due to nature of their work. It is argued that sex workers are still entitled to the rights enshrined in the Constitution despite the illegality of sex work. This discussion argues further that sex work continues to exist in South Africa despite its illegality and it would be prudent to address the challenges that encourage sex work because the criminalization of this type of work does not seem to minimize sex work. The discussion further looks at the case of Kylie v CCMA which has been subject to much debate recently. The discussion also makes a comparative study with Germany and determines the lessons which South Africa can learn from this country regarding decriminalization of sex work.

Thesis (LLM. (Labour Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The discussion looks at the history of commercial sex and how it has evolved in South Africa. The discussion evaluates the challenges that commercial sex workers face in South Africa and argues that the dignity of sex workers as citizens of South Africa are infringed and it would seem that less is being done to protect these workers due to nature of their work. It is argued that sex workers are still entitled to the rights enshrined in the Constitution despite the illegality of sex work. This discussion argues further that sex work continues to exist in South Africa despite its illegality and it would be prudent to address the challenges that encourage sex work because the criminalization of this type of work does not seem to minimize sex work. The discussion further looks at the case of Kylie v CCMA which has been subject to much debate recently. The discussion also makes a comparative study with Germany and determines the lessons which South Africa can learn from this country regarding decriminalization of sex work.

This biography is a testament to one man's courage and resolve in the struggle for equality of opportunity. The Reverend Charles Kenzie Steele, despite threats from segregationists, harassment from law enforcement and economic reprisals, never wavered in his commitment to the cause of civil rights in Florida and the nation. Steele's contributions to the success of the Civil Rights Movement have, prior to this study, never been completely documented. C. K. Steele provided leadership in one of the most turbulent periods in American history. The Tallahassee bus boycott began in May, 1956, as a spontaneous student protest. Steele emerged as the leader of a city-wide protest involving most of the local African-American community. As president of the Tallahassee Inter-Civic Council, Steele conducted a successful desegregation campaign of the city transit system. The ICC also provided vital assistance to the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) led campaign against segregated public accommodations, housing and schools in Leon County. Because of Steele's influence, the two civil rights organizations conducted the campaign without serious discord. Steele's ability to inspire cooperation was an invaluable asset to the South's primary civil rights organization, The Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Steele was one of the founders of SCLC, and served as its first executive vice president from the organization's inception until his death in 1980. SCLC, led by the Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King, Jr., coordinated most of the civil rights activity in the nation. As a member of its governing body, Steele played an active leadership role in every major civil rights campaign in the South between 1956 and 1968. Steele's role in the Civil Rights Movement has been determined by careful examination of archival materials, his personal correspondence, and interviews with individuals who knew him personally. These materials provide a portrait of a Christian minister wholly dedicated to the cause of justice.

This dissertation is an historical and philosophical study on the development of a subjective concept of individual rights. It takes the form of a history of ideas informed by genealogical methods of inquiry. Rather than seeking an origin for and underlying truth to human rights, it treats human rights as a product of various historical developments which are capable of being investigated in terms of their contingency as well as their continuous traditions. The thesis begins with an analysis of political theory in ancient Greek thought, primarily as a means of suggesting possible alternative political philosophies to the rights-based approach dominant in modern Western societies. The thesis then considers the theologicalpolitical discourse on sovereignty in the early Middle Ages, revolving around the doctrine of divine right and influenced by the function of the Christian Church in defining the nature of government. This is followed by an examination of the emergence of hierarchical, feudal relations and the formulation of feudal rights as based on proprietary notions and coinciding with individual liberties. In the following chapter there is a discussion of the juridical construction of sovereign power that emerged from the reception of Roman law and the development of canon law, the influence of legal textuality on the granting of rights and liberties, and the emergence of a discourse on public right as a way of defining the relationship between the prince and his subjects and thus delimiting sovereign authority. Finally, the thesis considers the legacy of the theory of natural rights and its relationship to forms of liberty, with an analysis of: firstly, the idea of natural rights that developed through canon law and the discussions surrounding the Franciscan poverty disputes; secondly, the role of property rights in the formulation of the rights of liberty; thirdly, the Christian understanding of liberty as a subjective attribute or power through the theo-ontological theory of human nature as represented by the free will; and fourthly, the transformation in Renaissance and early modern legal and political theory of the concept of liberty into a political doctrine about individual autonomy and inherent freedom. The purpose of the dissertation is to describe the multiple and complex historical processes from which the idea of subjective rights has emerged, as a means of understanding how human rights have come to play a seemingly essential role in modern legal and political discourses and practices.

Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis traces NSW Aboriginal political activity and demands from 1909 to 1939. In examining the background to the situations of Aboriginal communities in the early 1900's, two factors appear to have been of major importance. One was the degree of compatibility between Aboriginal and rural capitalist land use. The other was the labour requirements of rural industries. There are clear indications of internal colonial economic relations continuing until at least the late 1930's. As European land use intensified regionally, Aborigines attempted to secure their position by demanding tenure over land of significance to them. Initially, the creation of reserves was as much a result of this Aboriginal demand as of white settler desires to segregate Aborigines.