Esta dissertação analisa o contexto político dos Estados Unidos e a representação da cidadania entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Através de quatro narrativas fílmicas produzidas em Hollywood, são elas: Mississippi em chamas (1988) do diretor Alan Parker; Nascido em 4 de julho (1989) do diretor Oliver Stone; Um dia de fúria (1993) do diretor Joel Schumacher e Clube da luta (1999) do diretor David Fincher, pretendese conduzir o estudo do contexto político do país através dos seus produtos culturais. A primeira narrativa representa problemáticas acerca da segregação racial e a conquista dos direitos civis por negros, tema latente nos anos 1960, que são evocados mediante o contexto de crise desses movimentos sociais e a desarticulação do Estado de bem estar social nos anos 1980. A segunda narrativa representa a experiência do veterano da guerra do Vietnã e o ativismo político oriundo desta experiência, as culturas políticas em efervescência no período, bem como uma leitura que traga um novo lugar de memória para o veterano do Vietnã. A terceira narrativa representa o contexto de crise econômica proveniente do projeto de nação dos neoconservadores e neoliberais que ascenderam ao poder e como resultado de suas políticas houve um aumento da violência urbana, polarização social, bem como a tematização da crise do homem WASP. A quarta e ultima narrativa foi contemporânea de um movimento de diretores e intelectuais afinados com o liberalismo, que se aproximaram da representação da guerra e do sentido de identidade que este fenômeno forja para criticar a postura bélica que os governos anteriores empreenderam, fracassando, pela apropriação conservadora que estas narrativas também proporcionavam, foi visto nos Estados Unidos uma contundente critica aos ideais do American Way of life e neste sentido, Clube da luta é uma destas produções, por trazer em suas imagens elementos da representação da cidadania no período. / This dissertation analyzes the US political context and the representation of the citizenship between the 1980s and 1990s. Through four filmic narratives produced in Hollywood, they are: Mississippi Burning (1988), director Alan Parker; Born on the 4 of July (1989), director Oliver Stone; Falling down (1993), director Joel Schumacher and Fight Club (1999), director David Fincher, it is intended to conduct a study of the political context of the country through its cultural products. The first narrative presents the problematic of the racial segregation and achievements of African-American Civil Rights moviment, latent theme in the 1960s, which are evoked by the crisis of those social movements and the disarticulation of the welfare state in the 1980s. The second narrative is about a Vietnam war veteran experience and political activism arising from this experience, the effervescence of political cultures in the period, as well as a reading that brings a new place of memory to the Vietnam veteran. The third narrative represents the context of economic crisis coming from the national project of the neoconservatives and neoliberals who ascended to power and, as the result of their policies, there was an increase in urban violence, social polarization, and the theming of WASP man crisis. The fourth and final story was contemporary of a movement of officers and intellectuals sympathetic to liberalism, which approached the representation of war and sense of identity that this phenomenon forges to criticize the war posture that previous governments have undertaken, failing, for the conservative appropriation these narratives also afforded, it has been seen in the United States a scathing critique of the ideals of the American way of life and therefore, Fight Club is one of these productions, by bringing in its images elements of representation of citizenship in the period.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-20T08:44:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Freire dos Santos.pdf: 2446064 bytes, checksum: 7b0bcb2c75aaf557d7a717cfc15175dd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T08:44:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Freire dos Santos.pdf: 2446064 bytes, checksum: 7b0bcb2c75aaf557d7a717cfc15175dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-08 / The aim of this study is to analyse the existence of the so-called "right to be forgotten", characterised as a desire of an individual regarding a fact from the past, published at the time, in a lawful way, not to be remembered in current or even past information (accessed through the Internet) by virtue of the disturbance caused to their life in the present. Not expressly implemented in Brazil, the right to be forgotten has emerged within a tense situation between communicative freedoms and fundamental personality rights, such as private life (not only treated herein as the traditional concept, but a more dynamic and relational definition, involving the control of personal data and information), image and honour. Considering that the absence of contemporaneous information is only one of the factual circumstances to be observed when assessing communicative freedoms and fundamental personality rights, the theory of principles developed by Robert Alexy is adopted as a model for resolving the tensions between fundamental rights. Based on this theoretical assumption, we examine communicative freedoms and fundamental personality rights in Brazil, in order to, in sequence, scrutinise the right to be forgotten from the foreign experience and in Brazilian cases. In addressing the desire to be forgotten in the traditional media and in the digital context, we differentiate its main aspects and its mechanisms of regulation and guardianship. We scrutinise the right to memory and truth, the right to informational self-determination, the storage of old news in digital Press archives and the removal of links from the search results in search engines, so-called de-indexation. Finally, we analyse specific cases submitted to the Judiciary Branch involving the right to be forgotten digitally in Brazil and we apply the rule of proportionality / O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar a existência do denominado “direito ao esquecimento”, caracterizado como uma pretensão de seu titular não ser relembrado em uma informação atual, ou mesmo pretérita (acessada pela Internet), de um fato do passado, publicizado, à época, de forma lícita, em virtude da perturbação causada à vida presente. Não expressamente positivado no Brasil, o direito ao esquecimento tem se revelado em uma situação de tensão entre as liberdades comunicativas e os direitos fundamentais da personalidade, como a vida privada (aqui não apenas em seu conceito tradicional, mas em uma definição mais dinâmica e relacional, envolvendo o controle de dados e informações pessoais), a imagem e a honra. Considerando que a ausência de contemporaneidade da informação é apenas uma das circunstâncias fáticas a serem observadas quando do sopesamento entre as liberdades comunicativas e os direitos fundamentais da personalidade, adota-se como modelo para resolução das tensões entre os direitos fundamentais a teoria dos princípios desenvolvida por Robert Alexy. Com base neste pressuposto teórico, examinamos as liberdades comunicativas e os direitos fundamentais da personalidade no Brasil, para, na sequência, esmiuçarmos o direito ao esquecimento a partir da experiência estrangeira e dos casos brasileiros. Em abordagem à pretensão ao olvido nas mídias tradicionais e no contexto digital, diferenciamos seus principais aspectos e os seus mecanismos de regulação e tutela. Esquadrinhamos o direito à memória e à verdade, o direito à autodeterminação informativa, a manutenção de notícias antigas em arquivos digitais da imprensa e a remoção de links dos resultados de pesquisa em motores de busca, a chamada desindexação. Ao final, analisamos casos concretos submetidos ao Poder Judiciário envolvendo o direito ao esquecimento digital no Brasil e aplicamos a regra da proporcionalidade

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-20T14:22:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline do Couto Celestino.pdf: 1619534 bytes, checksum: f577155ddd1cf2723c08075aadfedd1d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T14:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline do Couto Celestino.pdf: 1619534 bytes, checksum: f577155ddd1cf2723c08075aadfedd1d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-12 / The struggle for recognition and defense of the LGBTTI (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite, Transsexual, Intersex) community rights is intimately connected to the fulfillment of the Federative Republic of Brazil goals, especially the ones regarding the respect for human’s dignity and diversity as well as the promotion of equality in its material dimension. Nevertheless, many further advances in this field remain to be made. As a clear example, there’s the recognition of the right to a name and to a legal sex suitable for the transsexual’s gender identity - which continues to lack adequate protection in the Brazilian legal system given the Parliament’s constant omission and due to the inexistence of a pattern related to the Public Administration’s regulation of the use of the social name. Given this scenario, the Judiciary is pressed to intervene to guarantee the fundamental rights of transsexual people. Despite the lack of harmony in judicial verdicts, there are both conventional and constitutional support that authorize the legal name and gender change for these people. Therefore, it seems necessary to review the existing infraconstitutional system - from the constitutional principles of human’s dignity, equality and non-discrimination viewpoint - in order to understand the transsexual experience and accept it under the legal system. This understanding is based on a new perspective of the Law: one that no longer sees people only through their biopsychological references, but in a contextualized way, through social relations. Therefore, the propose of this research is to analyze not only the possible grounds for judicial decisions that recognize the right to legal name and gender change for transsexual people according to their gender identity, but also how Brazilian Courts have been giving their verdicts. Finally, this paper intends to reflect on Judiciary’s limits and legitimacy in consequence of other branches inertia, with the main purpose of mapping the most appropriate strategy to defend transsexual people rights / A luta pelo reconhecimento e pela defesa dos direitos das pessoas LGBTTI (Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis, Transexuais, Intersex) apresenta-se intimamente conectada ao cumprimento dos objetivos da República Federativa do Brasil, sobretudo no que tange ao respeito à dignidade da pessoa humana, à diversidade e à promoção da igualdade em sua vertente material. Nada obstante, os avanços nessa seara se mostram ainda bastante tímidos. Exemplo claro é o reconhecimento do direito ao nome e ao sexo jurídico condizentes com a identidade de gênero das pessoas transexuais, que ainda não encontra a devida proteção no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, haja vista a contumaz omissão por parte do Poder Legislativo e a forma pouco padronizada pela qual o Poder Executivo vem regulamentando o uso do nome social. Diante desse cenário, o Poder Judiciário é clamado a intervir com o objetivo de garantir os direitos fundamentais das pessoas transexuais. Apesar da ausência de harmonia dos julgados, existe amplo respaldo convencional e constitucional que autoriza a alteração de prenome e sexo jurídico dessas pessoas. Portanto, é necessária uma releitura do sistema infraconstitucional vigente, à luz dos princípios constitucionais da promoção da dignidade da pessoa humana, da igualdade e da não discriminação, como forma de compreender a vivência transexual e acolhê-la sob o ordenamento jurídico, conferindo-lhe a proteção jurídica adequada. Essa compreensão se funda sob uma nova perspectiva de manifestação do Direito: deixa-se de enxergar o indivíduo tão somente pelos referenciais biopsicológicos para enxergá-lo de forma contextualizada, através de suas relações sociais. Desse modo, propõe-se analisar minuciosamente não apenas os fundamentos possíveis para decisões judiciais que reconheçam o direito à alteração do nome e do sexo jurídico das pessoas transexuais em consonância com sua identidade de gênero, mas também como os Tribunais vêm se posicionando sobre o tema. Por fim, refletir-se-á sobre os limites e a própria legitimidade do protagonismo que vem assumindo o Poder Judiciário diante da inércia dos demais poderes, com o objetivo final de mapearmos analiticamente a(s) forma(s) mais adequada(s) de garantia dos direitos da população trans

Esta dissertação analisa o contexto político dos Estados Unidos e a representação da cidadania entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Através de quatro narrativas fílmicas produzidas em Hollywood, são elas: Mississippi em chamas (1988) do diretor Alan Parker; Nascido em 4 de julho (1989) do diretor Oliver Stone; Um dia de fúria (1993) do diretor Joel Schumacher e Clube da luta (1999) do diretor David Fincher, pretendese conduzir o estudo do contexto político do país através dos seus produtos culturais. A primeira narrativa representa problemáticas acerca da segregação racial e a conquista dos direitos civis por negros, tema latente nos anos 1960, que são evocados mediante o contexto de crise desses movimentos sociais e a desarticulação do Estado de bem estar social nos anos 1980. A segunda narrativa representa a experiência do veterano da guerra do Vietnã e o ativismo político oriundo desta experiência, as culturas políticas em efervescência no período, bem como uma leitura que traga um novo lugar de memória para o veterano do Vietnã. A terceira narrativa representa o contexto de crise econômica proveniente do projeto de nação dos neoconservadores e neoliberais que ascenderam ao poder e como resultado de suas políticas houve um aumento da violência urbana, polarização social, bem como a tematização da crise do homem WASP. A quarta e ultima narrativa foi contemporânea de um movimento de diretores e intelectuais afinados com o liberalismo, que se aproximaram da representação da guerra e do sentido de identidade que este fenômeno forja para criticar a postura bélica que os governos anteriores empreenderam, fracassando, pela apropriação conservadora que estas narrativas também proporcionavam, foi visto nos Estados Unidos uma contundente critica aos ideais do American Way of life e neste sentido, Clube da luta é uma destas produções, por trazer em suas imagens elementos da representação da cidadania no período. / This dissertation analyzes the US political context and the representation of the citizenship between the 1980s and 1990s. Through four filmic narratives produced in Hollywood, they are: Mississippi Burning (1988), director Alan Parker; Born on the 4 of July (1989), director Oliver Stone; Falling down (1993), director Joel Schumacher and Fight Club (1999), director David Fincher, it is intended to conduct a study of the political context of the country through its cultural products. The first narrative presents the problematic of the racial segregation and achievements of African-American Civil Rights moviment, latent theme in the 1960s, which are evoked by the crisis of those social movements and the disarticulation of the welfare state in the 1980s. The second narrative is about a Vietnam war veteran experience and political activism arising from this experience, the effervescence of political cultures in the period, as well as a reading that brings a new place of memory to the Vietnam veteran. The third narrative represents the context of economic crisis coming from the national project of the neoconservatives and neoliberals who ascended to power and, as the result of their policies, there was an increase in urban violence, social polarization, and the theming of WASP man crisis. The fourth and final story was contemporary of a movement of officers and intellectuals sympathetic to liberalism, which approached the representation of war and sense of identity that this phenomenon forges to criticize the war posture that previous governments have undertaken, failing, for the conservative appropriation these narratives also afforded, it has been seen in the United States a scathing critique of the ideals of the American way of life and therefore, Fight Club is one of these productions, by bringing in its images elements of representation of citizenship in the period.

This thesis examines the first Citizenship School, its location, participants, and success. Johns Islanders, Esau Jenkins, Septima Clark, Myles Horton, Bernice Robinson, and the Highlander Folk School all collaborated to create this school. Why and how this success was reached is the main scope of this manuscript. Emphasis is also placed on the school's impact upon the modern Civil Rights Movement. Primary sources such as personal accounts, manuscripts, and archive collections were examined. Secondary sources were also researched for this manuscript. The conclusion reached from these sources is that faith was the driving force behind the success of the Citizenship School. The schools unlocked the chains of political, social, and economic disenfranchisement for Gullah Islanders and African Americans all over the South, greatly affecting the outcome of the Civil Rights Movement. African Americans, who had once been forced into second-class citizenship, now through faith and the vote, obtained first-class citizenship.

Our criminal justice system works very hard to prevent criminals from harming other individuals; however, unfortunately mistakes happen. One wrongful conviction is one too many. There are multiple factors that can be assumed to be the cause of wrongful convictions. However, due to the lack of directly related research, the determents are not well established. The following research addresses wrongful convictions as a result of public defender representation. Through the process of theory construction, the research uses critical race theory and social disorganization theory to show the relationship between court appointed representation and wrongful convictions. A new theory is also established that is referred to as the partial load reduction theory. This theory establishes the relationship that exists between wrongful convictions and public defender representation and provides solutions as well as new avenues for future research.

This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.

In 1960, when Ruby Bridges was six-years-old, she desegregated the formerly all white William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans, Louisiana. This thesis traces her formation as a Civil Rights icon and how her icon narratives are influenced by, perpetuate, or challenge hegemonic memory of the Civil Rights Movement. The hegemonic narrative situates the Civil Rights Movement as a triumphant moment of the past, and is based upon the belief that it abolished institutionalized racism, leaving us in a world where lingering prejudice is the result of the failings of individuals. Analysis of narratives about Ruby Bridges by Norman Rockwell, Robert Coles, and Bridges herself show that there is a consistent shift over time in which the icon narratives conform to and reinforce the hegemonic narrative. These icon narratives situate Bridges’ story as a historical account of the past that teaches lessons of how to combat instances of interpersonal racism through kindness and tolerance, and obscures Bridges’ lived experience. These reductive stories demonstrate just how powerful the hegemonic narrative is and create a comforting morality tale that pervades dominant culture and prevents us from understanding and finding ways to combat the institutionalized racism and inequality that still exists within the United States.

Juvenile justice reforms in America today closely resemble the ones that occurred over a century ago. The reforms of both eras aim to separate juveniles from adults and emphasize rehabilitation over punishment. Why is policy repeating itself? In search of an answer, I look to a monumental series of liberal Supreme Court decisions made in the 1960s that constituted what is now known as the Civil Rights Era’s “due process revolution.” In these cases, the Supreme Court provided juveniles with procedural protections in attempt to prevent the manifestation of racial bias in the juvenile court. It is commonly agreed upon that the due process revolution failed in its mission to protect minority youth. However, scholars are divided on why it failed. Some claim that states simply did not implement the protections properly. Others argue that a conservative backlash obstructed their proper implementation. In this thesis, I put forth that the decisions themselves — specifically, Kent v. United States and In Re Gault — criminalized youth by mistakenly presuming that racism could be regulated out of the court by enhanced procedures of due process. The liberal decisions made in Kent and Gault ultimately paved the way for the conservative carceral agenda of the late twentieth century and subjected minority youth to unprecedented punitive policy. I refer to Naomi Murakawa’s “racial innocence” theory to illuminate this interpretation of events and suggest that communities look inwards for alternatives to institutional reform.

The study of social allies in the field of American Civil Rights and Liberties History is largely an underappreciated aspect of this historical era. This work argues that social allies and their stories are worthwhile histories that are beneficial to the study of American Civil Rights and Liberties using Louisiana lawyer Herman Lazard Midlo as a case study. Midlo worked as a Louisiana lawyer from the 1930s to 1960s and fought tirelessly for the religious liberties of the Jehovah’s Witness community in the state. His story shows how beneficial and consequential the actions of social allies have had and can have on the protection and expansion of civil rights and religious liberties.