Freie Univ., Habil.-Schr.--Berlin, 2000. / Literaturverz. S. 339 - 386.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Civil-military relations play an important role in Africa as these relations strongly influence the processes of development and democratisation. This thesis examines civil-military relations in Nigeria and Tanzania, as these two countries have experienced very different ‘patterns of influence, control, and subordination between the armed forces and the wider social environment’. Most theories of civil-military relations have been formulated by Western scholars and this study investigates if these theories are applicable to Nigeria and Tanzania. As only two cases are under focus, this thesis does not aim to dismiss any of the theories or to develop new theory; rather, I suggest new aspects and factors that should be included when studying African civil-military relations. The theoretical framework includes theories by Huntington, Finer, and Janowitz, as well as theories by more recent scholars. After presenting the history of civilmilitary relations in Nigeria and Tanzania, I analyse the theories’ validity in the two cases by evaluating five hypotheses based on these theoretical frameworks. The thesis concludes that even though the prevailing theories contain factors that are very important in the two countries and in Africa in general, it is important to keep the specificity of African countries in mind when studying their civil-military relations. The domestic context and internal factors in both Nigeria and Tanzania are very significant. The importance of identity and the economic situation should especially receive more attention in theories addressing civil-military relations in Africa. There is a strong interrelationship between the various theories, and as a result a holistic approach including all factors, actors and aspects should be used when studying civil-military relations in Africa and elsewhere.

This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.

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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Islam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians. / Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force

Internal strife has plagued the South American country of Colombia for well over forty years. In an effort to combat the different subversive elements within its borders, the Government of Colombia developed an interagency counterinsurgency strategy that takes a whole-of-government approach. This approach takes many governmental functions and institutions and places them under one counterinsurgency "umbrella". The cornerstone of this interagency model is strong civil-military cooperation. What this research project seeks to accomplish is to first apply the Concordance Theory of Civil-Military Relations to Colombia's unique civil-military relationship. Secondly, this research project seeks to understand how the Colombian interagency counterinsurgency model has balanced the country's security and socio-political development and sustainability. Specifically, this research project attempts to answer the question of how this interagency model of counterinsurgency influences socio-political and security sustainability since the implementation of Plan Colombia. The methodology for this research project will include a combination of primary source reviews, comparative case study examination and simple trend analysis of significant security and socio-political variables. This methodological approach will best describe the unique political, military and social dynamics taking place within Colombia. This analysis of Colombia's interagency counterinsurgency strategy is relevant not only to Colombia but to many other countries facing similar challenges in Latin America and around the world. The applicability of this model to other insurgency scenarios will also be briefly examined. / by Harvey A. Schoonover. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

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The specific task of this thesis is to illustrate the complexity of a cooperation between civilian and military entities by examining Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) and their role as an actor among others in the field in a war-torn Afghanistan. By using counterinsurgency strategy as an analytical framework it has been possible to examine the civilian and military contexts closer. Underlying structures concerning the norms and interpretation of reality of the PRTs has been partly revealed. Studies of the PRTs as one significant bearers of "the comprehensive approach", which includes a holistic approach regarding the use of civilian and military capabilities, new conclusions can be drawn on whether a general civil-military approach can be a part of the solution for current and future conflicts. Based on the counterinsurgency strategy, the author has identified three themes as bearing and thus appears through the thesis as a foundation. These are Coordination, Development and Security. The empirical material is filtered through these themes as they are central to counterinsurgency and there by affect the PRT-concept. This study leads to five conclusions regarding the integration of the civilian and military contexts. In summary the conclusions states that it seems to be no starting points for creating a robust culture for cooperation. The absence of common objectives regarding operation, competition between different narratives as well as parallel processes of development and security risks causing a counterproductive outcome. A single resonance must be allowed to emerge from a convergence of civil and military powers as to what should be the civilmilitary mission. With mutual trust and dialogue improved conditions can be shaped to build common ground and goals for what needs to be done in countries with similar problems like Afghanistan.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / The primary focus of this study is to look at the interplay of the military and academic cultures at the South African Military Academy (SAMA). The question was raised about the nature of these two conflicting subcultures within the SAMA faculty, some avoidable damage that is being done, and ways to overcome the conflict for the future. Research data obtained from interviewing a sample of the SAMA members was used to investigate whether the two subcultures, which appear each to have a different ethos, can complement one another and how they define and shape the organisational culture of the institution. Findings from this study confirmed the existence of conflict between the academic and military culture and showed that this conflict has historical origins. It was further shown that part of the conflict arises from the tendency of the military culture to impose itself over the academic culture. The study revealed that this conflict also affects the civilian-military relations amongst the staff members, which impacts on the staff morale and organisational performance. It was found that ineffective organisational communication of the Academy was partly the source of this organisational culture and that the strengthening of an effective organisational communication particularly on the part of senior management of the Academy could go a long way towards creating an inclusive organisational culture that accommodates and encourages the coexistence of both the academic and military subcultures. The study concluded that peaceful coexistence of both these subcultures will lead to healthier relations between the civilian and uniformed members and to the SAMA as a whole. Recommendations for further consideration and action by the Military Academy were given.

This study develops a leader-centric theory of civil-military relations that expands upon three broad areas of research. Specifically, the study suggests that leaders will evaluate multiple threats to their political survival and will ultimately implement strategy that is most likely to keep them in power. While Downs (1957) has noted such a tendency in democracies, this study expands this rationale to authoritarian regimes by focusing on the primary means of authoritarian removal: the military coup. In contrast to the state-centric nature of traditional international relations theory, this dissertation finds that leaders frequently undermine the power of the state in order to accomplish the self-interested goal of political survival. First, the study carefully describes a number of coup-proofing strategies that leaders can implement. These are broadly defined in terms of influencing either the military’s willingness or its ability to attempt a coup. In addition to testing the effectiveness of these strategies, this study also theoretically explores the implications of coup-proofing for other political development of the state: interstate and intrastate conflict. Second, the study considers the influence of coup-proofing on interstate conflict. This study builds on the diversionary literature by investing coup risk as an incentive to use diversionary tactics as well as coup-proofing as a potential disincentive. The latter can both undermine the necessity of diversion as well as military capabilities, making leaders less capable of utilizing international conflict as a political tool. Third, the dissertation considers the influence of coup-proofing on intrastate conflict. The theory argues that the capability-reducing practice of coup-proofing can have important domestic consequences. Specifically, the practice can increase the mobilizational potential of would-be insurgents, can reduce the mobilizational capacity of the state, and leaders that are particularly fearful of a coup will likely tolerate the rise of an insurgency.