Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-05-09T12:08:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Kellen Cristine Pasqualeto_.pdf: 3491415 bytes, checksum: a2dfaa24844a8c6627ecfc7e991bda93 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-09T12:08:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Kellen Cristine Pasqualeto_.pdf: 3491415 bytes, checksum: a2dfaa24844a8c6627ecfc7e991bda93 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-19 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta pesquisa retoma a problemática das classes sociais e explica de que forma e porque se considera que os recicladores e catadores de materiais recicláveis constituem uma classe. Diversos estudos têm evidenciado a importância da articulação política dos trabalhadores para que consigam fazer enfrentamentos necessários em busca de seus direitos. Para compreender esse dinamismo, o referencial teórico escolhido comporta autores marxistas que explicam a atualidade do conceito de classe social a partir de concepção estrutural, de relações e de consciência de classe. Parte-se do pressuposto de que a produção e o mercado compõem os elementos mais precisos de classificação e mobilidade social e de que os conceitos de conflito e de exploração são fundamentais. Em outras palavras, entende-se que as classes sociais expressam a forma como as desigualdades se estruturam na sociedade capitalista. A metodologia utilizada se constitui em estudo de caso único a partir de revisão documental e bibliográfica, entrevistas semiestruradas e pesquisa participante. As técnicas escolhidas para a análise dos dados coletados foram análise de séries temporais e análise de conteúdo. O campo deste estudo é o Fórum dos Recicladores do Vale dos Sinos (FRVS), no Rio Grande do Sul, que desde 2002 articula os recicladores da região em torno de suas atividades, promovendo a união das associações e cooperativas da região, reestruturando as relações de produção com princípios de solidariedade e colaboração. Tomando como base o conceito de consciência de classe, composta, neste estudo, pelas relações de classe e pelas visões de mundo dos recicladores, buscou-se investigar em que medida a articulação coletiva em torno do Fórum dos Recicladores do Vale dos Sinos (FRVS) se constitui como um espaço de fortalecimento da consciência de classe dos trabalhadores envolvidos. Diferentemente de medir níveis de consciência, este estudo traz elementos para compreender as dinâmicas do FRVS, que não podem ser caracterizadas por meio de mudanças lineares ou evolutivas, mas a partir de processos de rupturas e continuidades. O fato de os trabalhadores reunirem-se em torno de suas cooperativas pode ser analisado, em termos marxistas, na prática que constituiu uma classe em si, ou seja, uma classe em relação ao capital. A articulação política mais ampla, como a que ocorre no FRVS, pode ser entendida como o exercício para que os recicladores se tornem uma classe para si mesmo, isto é, que o grupo eleve a necessidade econômica de sua luta de classe ao nível de uma vontade consciente, de uma consciência de classe ativa. Por fim, compreende-se o conceito de classe não como um dado fixo, definido apenas pelas determinações econômicas ou de renda, mas composto por atores sociais, políticos e culturais que agem, se constituem, interpretam a si mesmos e se transformas por meio da luta e relações de classes, tendo a práxis - um fazer histórico - como perspectiva significativa. / This research resumes a problematic of social classes and explains how and why recyclable materials scavengers can be considered a class. Several studies have been demonstrating the importance of the political articulation of the workers for the battles required to pursuit their rights. In order to understand this dynamism, the theoretical framework adopted in this thesis involves Marxist authors who explain the topicality of the concept of social class from a structural conception, from relations and, from class consciousness. It is based on the assumption that the production and the market constitute the most precise elements of classification and social mobility as well as the fundamental conception of conflicts and exploitation. In other words, it means that social classes express the way in which inequalities are structured in capitalist society. A methodology used is a single case study based on documentary and bibliographic research, semi-structured interviews and participant research. The techniques chosen for data analysis were time series analysis and content analysis. The field study is the Fórum dos Recicladores do Vale dos Sinos (FRVS), in Rio Grande do Sul, which since 2002 has been articulating the region's scavengers around their activities, promoting a union of associations and cooperatives in the region, restructuring production relations on solidarity and collaboration principles. Based on the concept of class consciousness, which was composed, in the study, by class relations and by scavengers worldviews, this research aims to investigate the extent to which a collective articulation around the Fórum dos Recicladores do Vale dos Sinos (FRVS) constitute itself as a space for strengthening the class consciousness of the workers involved. Differently from measuring levels of consciousness, this study brings elements to comprehend the FRVS dynamics, which cannot be characterized by linear or evolutionary changes, but from processes of ruptures and continuities. The fact that workers gather around their cooperatives can be analyzed, in Marxist terms, in practice as a class in itself, that is, a class in relation to capital. A broader political articulation, such as occurs into FRVS, can be understood as the exercise for scavengers to become a class for itself, i.e., that the group elevates the economic necessity of its class to the level of conscious awareness, of an active class consciousness. Finally, the concept of class is understood not as a fixed datum, defined only by economic or income determinations, but composed by social, political and cultural actors who act, are constituted, interpret themselves and are transformed through the struggle and relations of classes, having a praxis - a historical doing - as a meaningful perspective.

Este trabalho teve como objetivo principal realizar uma análise do movimento negro brasileiro entre os anos de 1978 e 1990, expressando neste trabalho o caminho percorrido pelo Movimento Negro Unificado - MNU, que foi fundado em 18 de Junho de 1978, nascendo assim no seio do levante operário de 1978, e que existe até os dias atuais, e como objetivo específico de identificar quais foram as influências mais centrais em sua formação e na linha política que este tomou, tendo sido parte de um imenso movimento social, operário e popular, que se colocou contra a Ditadura Militar, sendo a conformação do MNU como parte e resultado deste processo de mobilização social. A partir desses objetivos foram levantadas as seguintes hipóteses: O MNU influenciou a formação da identidade negra no Brasil e a própria identidade dos entrevistados; contribuiu no Brasil para o debate de Raça e Classe; e recebeu influências externas á experiência vivida no Brasil. Foram feitos levantamentos bibliográficos sobre a história da luta antirracista no Brasil após a Abolição e das organizações oriundas dessa luta, que remontam desde as primeiras décadas do século XX, atravessam o Estado Novo e encontraram dentro do período da ditadura a resistência que dará forma ao Movimento Negro Unificado. Para analisar os processos que influenciaram este desenvolvimento, foram utilizados autores como Florestan Fernandes, Lélia Gonzalez, Abdias do Nascimento, Hamilton Cardoso e Clovis Moura. Para isso foram realizadas dez entrevistas com militantes e integrantes do movimento negro brasileiro que participaram próximos ou no MNU durante o período estudado, sendo estes entrevistados divididos em sete homens e três mulheres. Durante estas entrevistas foi constatado que o MNU teve como referência algumas organizações negras estadunidenses, que fizeram parte do Movimento pelos Direitos Civis, além dos movimentos de libertação de países africanos, com destaque aos países de língua portuguesa, como Moçambique e Angola. No território nacional, os integrantes do MNU foram influenciados pelas experiências vividas nas greves operárias contra a Ditadura e por intelectuais brasileiros que desmistificaram a ideia do negro pacífico, e entre os mais citados temos Abdias do Nascimento e Lélia Gonzalez. Essas influências e atuação política permitiram ao MNU se destacar no cenário político brasileiro no final dos anos de 1970 e durante 1980 como a principal organização do movimento negro brasileiro, porém sem romper com a confiança na burguesia paulista, não dando um caminho independente aos negros no Brasil, tendo expressado suas posições dentro de setores dos movimentos sociais, mas também em setores dos movimentos sindicais e no Partido dos Trabalhadores PT, que foi um grande conciliador de classes e atenuador das tensões nacionais. Desta maneira poderemos entender o papel Movimento Negro Unificado para a composição da identidade do negro brasileiro entre as décadas de 70 e 90, sua relação com o cenário de greves e atos contra a Ditadura Militar e como as pautas levantadas pelos negros foram incorporadas, muito parcialmente, a políticas públicas nos anos seguintes, que apesar de importantes somente foram conquistadas mediante anos de luta do movimento negro brasileiro / This work had the main objective of analyzing the Brazilian black movement between 1978 and 1990, expressing in this work the path traveled by the Unified Black Movement (MNU), which was founded on June 18, 1978, 1978, and that exists until the present day, and as a specific objective to identify which were the most central influences in its formation and the political line that this took, having been part of an immense social movement, worker and popular, that is Placed against the Military Dictatorship, being the conformation of the MNU as part and result of this process of social mobilization. From these objectives the following hypotheses were raised: The MNU influenced the formation of the black identity in Brazil and the identity of the interviewees themselves; Contributed in Brazil to the Race and Class debate; And received influences external to the experience lived in Brazil. Bibliographical surveys were made on the history of the anti-racist struggle in Brazil after Abolition and from the organizations that came from that struggle, dating back to the first decades of the twentieth century, cross the Estado Novo and found within the period of the dictatorship the resistance that will shape the Movement Unified Black. For that, ten interviews were carried out with militants and members of the Brazilian black movement who participated in the MNU during the period studied, and these were divided into seven men and three women. During these interviews it was verified that the MNU had as reference some black American organizations, that were part of the Movement for the Civil Rights, besides the movements of liberation of African countries, with emphasis to the countries of Portuguese language, like Mozambique and Angola. In the national territory, the members of the MNU were influenced by the experiences of the workers\' strikes against the dictatorship and by Brazilian intellectuals who demystified the idea of the \"pacific negro\", and among the most cited are Abdias do Nascimento and Lélia Gonzalez. These influences and political action allowed the MNU to stand out in the Brazilian political scenario in the late 1970s and 1980s as the main organization of the Brazilian black movement, but without breaking with confidence in the São Paulo bourgeoisie, not giving an independent path to blacks in the Brazil, having expressed their positions within sectors of social movements, but also in sectors of the trade union movements and in the Workers\' Party (PT), which was a great conciliator of classes and attenuator of national tensions. In this way we will be able to understand the Unified Black Movement\'s role in the composition of the identity of the Brazilian Negro between the 70s and 90s, its relation with the scenario of strikes and acts against the Military Dictatorship and how the patterns raised by the blacks were incorporated, to public policies in the following years, that although important were only conquered through years of struggle of the Brazilian black movement

This thesis analyzes class experiences of workers under flexible and precarious conditions of global neoliberal capitalism and tries to answer to what extent these conditions erode their capacities to develop antagonistic class consciousness and collective struggles. Specifically, based on a fieldwork consisting of semi-structured in-depth interviews with 24 workers living in slums of Istanbul, it deals with cultural analysis of working and daily-life experiences of workers involved in the global production of garments. Three categories of analysis are used: experiences of shame, time and necessity, which respectively suggest that, under conditions of precarity and flexibility, the workers, 1. perceive their class positions as personal and feel themselves inadequate, leading to questioning of self-worth, injuries in the self and individual - but not collective - emancipation attempts to escape from the injuring effects of class / 2. have lost not only their control over their present time through extremely long and irregular working hours / but also are ripped of their capacity to plan/organize their future / 3. live under the burden of continuous and persistent concern over necessities, which results in deep-seated sense of deprivation, impoverishment of life experiences, lack of meaning in this life, killing of hopes and consequentially experience of powerlessness. Yet, despite all these alienating experiences, there are also inchoate seeds of revolt and an alternative worldview, which confirms that class struggle exists even &ndash / and indeed (!) &ndash / in most severe conditions of alienation and will be decisive on the emancipatory dialectics of alienation / nonalienation and making / unmaking of class.

This thesis examines the intellectual foundation of the London Corresponding Society’s (LCS) efforts to reform Britain's Parliamentary democracy in the 1790s. The LCS was a working population group fighting for universal male suffrage and annual parliaments in a decade that was wrought with internal social and governmental tension. Many Britons, especially the aristocracy and those in the government, feared the spread of ideas of republicanism and equality from revolutionary France and responded accordingly by oppressing the freedom of speech and association. At first glance, the LCS appears contradictory: it supported the hierarchical status quo but fought for the voice and representation of the people; and it believed that the foundation for rights was natural but also argued its demands for equal rights were drawn from Britain’s ancient unwritten constitution. This thesis contextualizes these ideas using a contemporary debate, the Burke-Paine controversy, as Edmund Burke was the epitome of eighteenth century conservative constitutionalism in Reflections on the Revolution in France while Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man represented a Lockean interpretation of natural rights and equality. Thus using Reflections and Rights of Man as a framework, this thesis demonstrates that the LCS thoroughly understood its demands for parliamentary reform and uniformly applied its interpretation of natural rights and equality to British constitutionalism and the social and governmental hierarchies.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the class and consciousness formation in a local setting by also developing and applying a theoretical framework which allow us to study the interaction of locus of class consciousness with the other loci of consciousness formation such as the community and the state. Such an approach is also grounded in the belief that a relational understanding of these processes requires us to take spatial dynamics such as local dependency, spatial fix and fixity and mobility into account. By critically drawing upon historico-geographical materialist approach(es), the thesis attempts at resolving the tensions between &lsquo / locality-wider society&rsquo / and &lsquo / structure-consciousness&rsquo / . By integrating them into a holistic and operational conceptual framework, it investigates the highly complex patterning of relations within urban structured coherences, and their effects upon the class and consciousness formation processes. It is shown that interpenetration of these fields of tension through urban processes is crucial in shaping a backbone for the concrete struggles fought by working class against capital in and of the urban regions. These issues are discussed with reference to two working class neighborhoods in Bursa. The first community, Emek, is an unplanned, illegally built settlement, hosting mostly migrant, and lower-wage earning industrial workers, and the second one, Akpinar, is a planned settlement, composed of low-cost housing cooperatives, symbolizing a higher living standard environment for well-paid, socially secure workers, mostly local in origin. The field research focuses on the relations between &lsquo / the labor market, housing market and local dependency&rsquo / and &lsquo / the strategies between mobility-fixity adopted both on part of capital and labor&rsquo / . The specific character of these strategies also tell us how the patterning of the relations between class, community and state loci of consciousness formation and the formation of local coherences mutually shape one another. It is often assumed in this context that formation of class-based consciousness is hindered by other loci of consciousness such as the community-based one. This study shows that community-based consciousness is itself largely absent in the communities in hand and when community-base is deployed by the local workers it is often strategically employed to get personal benefits. In this sense, the study concludes that the lack of community-based consciousness does not device more effective strategies of formation of class-based consciousness but perhaps another adverse factor in developing class-based consciousness in an environment heavily dominated by individualized form of consciousness.

This DPhil dissertation aims to delineate an ambivalent construction of 'Britishness' in late British India by paying special attention to certain discourses and practices that regulated the lives of both colonial elites and of their impoverished and/or racially mixed kin. Peculiar racial self-anxieties of the colonial ruling classes, - namely those over hygienic / sexual degradation and cultural hybridisation, the increased presence of indigent and/or racially mixed white populations, and the undesired consequences of the last - are examined thorough a close and analytically coherent analysis of colonial representations and practices. An important feature of this research is to bring the internal-cum-class distinctions of metropolitan society to the fore in order to circumscribe a peculiarly class-specific constitution of British racial identity in the colonial context. Broadly speaking, in two related senses can the (re)production of white racial prestige in the British Raj be regarded as a class-conditioned phenomenon. First of all, colonial Britishness can be said to have been characterised by class because not all persons or groups of British descent living in the colony were recognised as 'European enough': only those from the upper or middle classes were considered as so 'European' as to be capable of ruling the 'subject races' of India. The remaining people of British racial origins, including the so-called 'poor whites', the 'domiciled Europeans' (those whites permanently settled in India), and the mixed-decent 'Eurasians', were not regarded as 'British enough' (although they were not seen as 'Indian', either). Especially, 'domiciled Europeans' and 'Eurasians', often collectively referred to as 'the domiciled class', were not treated as 'British' but only as 'Native' in socio-legal terms: the 'domiciled' differed from 'Indians' in terms of racial and cultural identification, but were supposed to be no higher than the latter by constitutional status and socio-economic standard. Secondly it was because of its recourse to 'bourgeois philanthropy' that the construction of Britishness in late British India may be said to have been bound by aspects of Victorian or Edwardian class culture. Although the British excluded their domiciled brethren from the sphere of their social and economic privileges, the former also 'included' the latter within limited frames of philanthropic and educational care. For, their exclusion from the elite white community notwithstanding, the domiciled were still regarded as one part of the European (as opposed to Indian) body politic. Thus the colonial authorities feared that an unregulated destitution of 'poor whites', domiciled Europeans, and Eurasians might present itself as a political menace to the prestige of the British race as a whole: in a sense, the authority of Britishness also depended on how 'European pauperism' could be solved before it had disorderly effects on the colonial hierarchies of race and class. It was in this context that the philanthropic management of pauperism emerged as a negative but no less unimportant measure for reproducing British prestige in the colonial context. And central to this was a specific, colonial application of a politics of class that the bourgeoisie played against the indigent and various 'unfit' populations in the metropole.

This thesis examines the intellectual foundation of the London Corresponding Society’s (LCS) efforts to reform Britain's Parliamentary democracy in the 1790s. The LCS was a working population group fighting for universal male suffrage and annual parliaments in a decade that was wrought with internal social and governmental tension. Many Britons, especially the aristocracy and those in the government, feared the spread of ideas of republicanism and equality from revolutionary France and responded accordingly by oppressing the freedom of speech and association. At first glance, the LCS appears contradictory: it supported the hierarchical status quo but fought for the voice and representation of the people; and it believed that the foundation for rights was natural but also argued its demands for equal rights were drawn from Britain’s ancient unwritten constitution. This thesis contextualizes these ideas using a contemporary debate, the Burke-Paine controversy, as Edmund Burke was the epitome of eighteenth century conservative constitutionalism in Reflections on the Revolution in France while Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man represented a Lockean interpretation of natural rights and equality. Thus using Reflections and Rights of Man as a framework, this thesis demonstrates that the LCS thoroughly understood its demands for parliamentary reform and uniformly applied its interpretation of natural rights and equality to British constitutionalism and the social and governmental hierarchies.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-61). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem por objetivo refletir sobre o processo de alienação e desalienação dos trabalhadores no capitalismo, evidenciando o papel da formação teórico-política na construção da consciência de classe dos trabalhadores. Partimos da constatação de que a alienação é um processo objetivo, que diariamente produz e reproduz a dominação e a exploração dos trabalhadores por parte do capital. Neste sentido, o primeiro passo para ensaiar a superação da alienação por parte dos trabalhadores e a compreensão destes mecanismos de perpetuação da sociabilidade capitalista. O segundo passo parte do fato de que os trabalhadores construíram ao longo de sua árdua luta contra o capitalismo, diversos movimentos sociais, sindicais e partidos políticos como formas de luta para se prepararem, através das suas organizações e da socialização da teoria de explicação da realidade social com vistas a sua transformação, isto é, do marxismo. Entre todas estas formas de luta, e segundo os grandes marxistas do século XX (Lênin, Rosa de Luxemburgo e Antonio Gramsci), o partido político é o que tem mais condições de universalizar as lutas particulares de setores da classe, para que alcancem a perspectiva de lutas de toda a classe. A partir da participação dos trabalhadores nestas formas coletivas de luta, estes podem sair da esfera da alienação e caminhar no sentido de uma consciência da reivindicação ou consciência da cidadania, que pressupõe a luta pelos direitos sociais. De uma consciência alienada, baseada no eu egoísta podemos passar a consciência de um nós solidário, no entanto, a consciência pode parar por aí, se cristalizando na forma da burocracia e do carreirismo, muito presente nas formas atuais de luta da classe trabalhadora no mundo e no Brasil. Mas em certas condições, e a partir da luta de classe contra o capital, os trabalhadores podem alcançar a consciência de classe, a consciência da necessidade da transformação social, e nesta tarefa, a formação política assume um papel fundamental. Na medida em que os militantes dos movimentos sociais, sindicais e dos partidos de esquerda procuram se preparar melhor para a luta, e buscam adquirir uma formação teórico-política que os ajude a compreender a sociedade capitalista e suas contradições, a tarefa da construção de uma nova sociedade se torna cada vez mais necessária e fundamental. O encontro da luta contra a exploração e dominação do capital com a teoria revolucionária do proletariado, o marxismo, potencializa e direciona a luta dos trabalhadores para a construção de uma nova sociedade para além do capital. No Brasil, a classe trabalhadora sempre ensaiou experiências de formação teórico-políticas, como veremos nesta tese, desde os anarquista (século XIX e início do séc. XX), os comunistas do PCB (dos anos 20 até o golpe militar de 1964), a CUT (anos 80 até os dias atuais) e o NEP 13 de Maio (dos anos 80 até os dias atuais). Em todas estas experiências, apesar de seus limites históricos, elas nos mostram o quanto é fundamental preparar e armar teoricamente os trabalhadores para o combate ao capital. / This thesis aims to reflect on the process of estrangement and alienation of workers under capitalism, highlighting the role of theoretical and political construction of class consciousness of workers. We start with the observation that alienation is an objective process, which daily produces and reproduces the domination and exploitation of workers by capital. In this sense, the first step to test the overcoming of alienation amongst the employees and the understanding of mechanisms of perpetuation of capitalist sociality. The second step starts from the fact that workers built along its arduous struggle against capitalism, various social movements, trade unions and political parties as forms of struggle to prepare themselves, through their organizations and socialization theory to explain the reality aimed at social transformation, ie, of Marxism. Among all these forms of struggle, and second the great Marxists of the twentieth century (Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg and Antonio Gramsci), the political party is what is better able to universalize the particular struggles of class sectors, to achieve the perspective struggles of the whole class. From the employee participation in these collective forms of struggle, they can leave the sphere of alienation and move towards an awareness of the claim or of citizenship, which involves the struggle for social rights. An alienated consciousness, based on "selfish self" we can move the conscience of a "united us," however, awareness can stop there, crystallized in the form of "red tape" and "careerism," very present in the forms current working class struggle in the world and in Brazil. But under certain conditions, and from the class struggle against capital, workers can access the class consciousness, awareness of the need for social transformation, and this task, the training policy has a key role. To the extent that activists of social movements, trade unions and leftist parties seek to better prepare for the fight, and seek to acquire a theoretical and policy to help them understand capitalist society and its contradictions, the task of building a new society becomes ever more necessary and fundamental. The meeting of the struggle against exploitation and domination of capital with the revolutionary theory of the proletariat, Marxism, empowers and directs the workers' struggle to build a new society beyond capital. In Brazil, the working class always rehearsed the experiences of theoretical and political, as discussed in this thesis, since the anarchist (nineteenth and beginning of the century. XX), the Communists of the PCB (for 20 years until the military coup of 1964), CUT (80 years until today) and NEP May 13 (80s until today). In all these experiments, despite their historical boundaries, they show us how it is essential to prepare and arm theoretically workers to combat the capital.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem por objetivo refletir sobre o processo de alienação e desalienação dos trabalhadores no capitalismo, evidenciando o papel da formação teórico-política na construção da consciência de classe dos trabalhadores. Partimos da constatação de que a alienação é um processo objetivo, que diariamente produz e reproduz a dominação e a exploração dos trabalhadores por parte do capital. Neste sentido, o primeiro passo para ensaiar a superação da alienação por parte dos trabalhadores e a compreensão destes mecanismos de perpetuação da sociabilidade capitalista. O segundo passo parte do fato de que os trabalhadores construíram ao longo de sua árdua luta contra o capitalismo, diversos movimentos sociais, sindicais e partidos políticos como formas de luta para se prepararem, através das suas organizações e da socialização da teoria de explicação da realidade social com vistas a sua transformação, isto é, do marxismo. Entre todas estas formas de luta, e segundo os grandes marxistas do século XX (Lênin, Rosa de Luxemburgo e Antonio Gramsci), o partido político é o que tem mais condições de universalizar as lutas particulares de setores da classe, para que alcancem a perspectiva de lutas de toda a classe. A partir da participação dos trabalhadores nestas formas coletivas de luta, estes podem sair da esfera da alienação e caminhar no sentido de uma consciência da reivindicação ou consciência da cidadania, que pressupõe a luta pelos direitos sociais. De uma consciência alienada, baseada no eu egoísta podemos passar a consciência de um nós solidário, no entanto, a consciência pode parar por aí, se cristalizando na forma da burocracia e do carreirismo, muito presente nas formas atuais de luta da classe trabalhadora no mundo e no Brasil. Mas em certas condições, e a partir da luta de classe contra o capital, os trabalhadores podem alcançar a consciência de classe, a consciência da necessidade da transformação social, e nesta tarefa, a formação política assume um papel fundamental. Na medida em que os militantes dos movimentos sociais, sindicais e dos partidos de esquerda procuram se preparar melhor para a luta, e buscam adquirir uma formação teórico-política que os ajude a compreender a sociedade capitalista e suas contradições, a tarefa da construção de uma nova sociedade se torna cada vez mais necessária e fundamental. O encontro da luta contra a exploração e dominação do capital com a teoria revolucionária do proletariado, o marxismo, potencializa e direciona a luta dos trabalhadores para a construção de uma nova sociedade para além do capital. No Brasil, a classe trabalhadora sempre ensaiou experiências de formação teórico-políticas, como veremos nesta tese, desde os anarquista (século XIX e início do séc. XX), os comunistas do PCB (dos anos 20 até o golpe militar de 1964), a CUT (anos 80 até os dias atuais) e o NEP 13 de Maio (dos anos 80 até os dias atuais). Em todas estas experiências, apesar de seus limites históricos, elas nos mostram o quanto é fundamental preparar e armar teoricamente os trabalhadores para o combate ao capital. / This thesis aims to reflect on the process of estrangement and alienation of workers under capitalism, highlighting the role of theoretical and political construction of class consciousness of workers. We start with the observation that alienation is an objective process, which daily produces and reproduces the domination and exploitation of workers by capital. In this sense, the first step to test the overcoming of alienation amongst the employees and the understanding of mechanisms of perpetuation of capitalist sociality. The second step starts from the fact that workers built along its arduous struggle against capitalism, various social movements, trade unions and political parties as forms of struggle to prepare themselves, through their organizations and socialization theory to explain the reality aimed at social transformation, ie, of Marxism. Among all these forms of struggle, and second the great Marxists of the twentieth century (Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg and Antonio Gramsci), the political party is what is better able to universalize the particular struggles of class sectors, to achieve the perspective struggles of the whole class. From the employee participation in these collective forms of struggle, they can leave the sphere of alienation and move towards an awareness of the claim or of citizenship, which involves the struggle for social rights. An alienated consciousness, based on "selfish self" we can move the conscience of a "united us," however, awareness can stop there, crystallized in the form of "red tape" and "careerism," very present in the forms current working class struggle in the world and in Brazil. But under certain conditions, and from the class struggle against capital, workers can access the class consciousness, awareness of the need for social transformation, and this task, the training policy has a key role. To the extent that activists of social movements, trade unions and leftist parties seek to better prepare for the fight, and seek to acquire a theoretical and policy to help them understand capitalist society and its contradictions, the task of building a new society becomes ever more necessary and fundamental. The meeting of the struggle against exploitation and domination of capital with the revolutionary theory of the proletariat, Marxism, empowers and directs the workers' struggle to build a new society beyond capital. In Brazil, the working class always rehearsed the experiences of theoretical and political, as discussed in this thesis, since the anarchist (nineteenth and beginning of the century. XX), the Communists of the PCB (for 20 years until the military coup of 1964), CUT (80 years until today) and NEP May 13 (80s until today). In all these experiments, despite their historical boundaries, they show us how it is essential to prepare and arm theoretically workers to combat the capital.