Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships among motives for health-related YouTube use, cognitive involvement with health information on YouTube, post-exposure online activity, and sense of empowerment regarding health and health care. As a result of the analysis of data from 263 participants, social utility, convenient information-seeking, habit-passing time, and exciting entertainment motives were identified as four motives for health-related YouTube use. Social utility and convenient information-seeking motives were positively related to cognitive involvement and cognitive involvement was positively related to perceived control. Social utility motive was negatively related to perceived competence, whereas convenient information-seeking motive was positively related to perceived competence. Habit-passing time motive was negatively related to goal internalization, whereas convenient information-seeking and exciting entertainment motives were positively related to goal internalization. The findings from this study imply that YouTube could be a useful health communication media for health professionals and organizations to use for empowering users in coping with health-related concerns.

L’apprentissage donne souvent l’impression d’être un processus long et difficile, notamment quand il fait penser à l’école et à la difficulté que tout le monde a déjà ressentie pour maintenir sa motivation pour telle ou telle matière. Pourtant, il y a des choses que l’on apprend sans enseignement. Par exemple, apprendre à parler sa langue maternelle se fait naturellement sans effort conscient. Les connaissances primaires et secondaires sont une façon de distinguer ce qui est facile ou difficile à apprendre. Les connaissances primaires sont celles pour lesquelles nos mécanismes cognitifs auraient évolué, permettant une acquisition sans effort, intuitive et rapide alors que les connaissances secondaires sont apparues récemment : ce sont celles pour lesquelles nous n’aurions pas eu le temps d’évoluer et dont l’acquisition serait longue et coûteuse. Les écoles se focalisent essentiellement sur ce deuxième type de connaissances. Leur défi est de permettre ces apprentissages longs et coûteux, et, pour cela, de maintenir la motivation des apprenants. Une piste de recherche s’appuie sur le fait que les connaissances secondaires sont construites sur la base des connaissances primaires. En effet, personne n’est capable d’enseigner « initialement » une langue maternelle alors que l’apprentissage des langues étrangères s’appuie sur cette première langue. Le présent travail explore le caractère motivant et peu coûteux des connaissances primaires pour faciliter l’apprentissage de la logique en tant que connaissance secondaire. En modifiant la présentation de problèmes logiques avec des habillages liés aux connaissances primaires (e.g., nourriture et caractéristiques d’animaux) ou secondaires (e.g., règles de grammaire, mathématiques), huit premières expériences ont permis de mettre en avant les effets positifs des connaissances primaires que le contenu soit familier ou non. Les résultats montrent que les connaissances primaires favorisent la performance, l’investissement émotionnel, la confiance dans les réponses et diminuent la charge cognitive perçue. Quant aux connaissances secondaires, elles semblent miner la motivation des participants et générer une sensation de conflit parasite. De plus, présenter des problèmes avec un habillage de connaissances primaires en premier permettrait de réduire les effets délétères des connaissances secondaires présentées ensuite et aurait un impact positif global. Trois autres expériences ont alors mis ces résultats à l’épreuve de tâches d’apprentissage afin de proposer une approche qui favorise l’engagement des apprenants et leur apprentissage. Ces découvertes tendent à montrer que les recherches sur l’apprentissage bénéficieraient à prendre en considération les connaissances primaires plutôt que de les négliger car elles sont « déjà apprises ». / Learning often gives the impression of being a long and difficult process, especially when it reminds us of school and the difficulty that everyone has already experienced in maintaining motivation for a particular subject. Yet there are things we learn without teaching. For example, learning to speak one’s mother tongue is a natural process without conscious effort. Primary and secondary knowledge is a way of distinguishing what is easy or difficult to learn. Primary knowledge is the knowledge for which our cognitive mechanisms have evolved, allowing effortless, intuitive and rapid acquisition, whereas secondary knowledge has recently emerged: it is the knowledge for which we would not have had time to evolve and for which acquisition would be long and costly. Schools focus mainly on this second type of knowledge. Their challenge is to enable this lengthy and costly learning, and to do so, to maintain the motivation of learners. A research path is based on the fact that secondary knowledge is built on the basis of primary knowledge. Indeed, no one is able to teach a mother tongue “initially”, whereas foreign language learning is based on that first language. This work explores the motivational and inexpensive nature of primary knowledge to facilitate the learning of logic as secondary knowledge. By varying the content of logical problems with primary (e.g., food and animals’ features) or secondary knowledge (e.g., grammar rules, mathematics), the first eight experiments highlighted the positive effects of primary knowledge, whether or not the content was familiar. The results showed that primary knowledge promoted performance, emotional investment, confidence in responses and decreased perceived cognitive load. Secondary knowledge seemed to undermine participants’ motivation and generated a feeling of parasitic conflict. In addition, presenting primary knowledge content first reduced the deleterious effects of secondary knowledge presented second and would have an overall positive impact. Three other experiments then tested these results on learning tasks in order to propose an approach that fosters learners’ engagement and learning. These findings tend to show that research about learning would benefit from taking primary knowledge into account rather than neglecting it because it is “already learned”.

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藝術欣賞二階段模型所發現的第二階段美感提升現象，若根據流暢性理論加以解釋，為單純曝光造成流暢性提升而導致的結果，未涉及認知處理歷程的影響，然而情緒評估理論以及Leder等人（2004）的美感經驗與評價歷程神經模型，都強調美感經驗為認知與情感的交互作用。針對上述兩類不同的理論觀點，本研究的目的在於探討認知涉入在美感歷程中的重要性，同時亦嘗試瞭解美感經驗中認知與情緒的關係。本研究讓參與者欣賞不同時代、流派與國家的具象藝術畫作，共分成三個實驗。實驗一收集美感相關情緒詞彙，發展美感情緒量表；實驗二與實驗三延伸Locher等人（2007）之實驗設計，分別收集美感偏好與美感情緒的資料，包含顯性與隱性指標，欲從美感提升現象中檢驗認知涉入對兩種美感歷程產物的影響力。實驗二關心美感偏好隨時間的變化，結果顯示認知涉入有助於偏好的提升，而隱性偏好亦有相似的趨勢；實驗三則發現美感情緒並沒有隨呈現時間增加而提升，而認知涉入的影響力也較不明顯，臉部EMG測量則未能反映出隱性美感情緒。本研究也發現，國畫較西畫更顯著地出現美感偏好或情緒的提升現象且較受認知涉入影響，此外，主觀偏好與不偏好的西畫在美感偏好與正向情緒類別之結果中，皆有類似適應的效果，其中主觀偏好畫作隨時間增長而正向情緒減少、負向情緒增加。綜合而言，本研究結果支持認知涉入為美感偏好提升之要素，但是無法確認認知與情緒兩者之間的互動關係，此外，藝術欣賞的第二階段不只有美感提升的現象，亦有美感下降的現象。 / The increase of aesthetic preference over viewing time was found in the study of the two-stage model of art appreciation. This phenomenon could be interpreted by mere exposure effect on improvement of fluency, not involving the influence from the cognitive processes. However, some theories (Silvia, 2011; Leder et al., 2004) emphasized the interaction between cognition and emotion in aesthetic experience. Based on these two kinds of theoretical perspective, the purpose of this study is to explore the role of cognitive involvement in aesthetic processes, and to understand the relationship between cognition and emotion in aesthetic experience. There are three experiments in this study, using the figurative art paintings from different era, genre and countries as the material. In Experiment 1, the emotional adjectives were collected to develop the scale of aesthetic emotion. In Experiment 2 and 3, the effects of cognitive involvement on aesthetic preference and emotion were tested, respectively. We extended the experiment design from Locher et al. (2007) to manipulate the degree of cognitive involvement additionally, with both the explicit and implicit indexes measured. Overall, the results showed that cognitive involvement helped the increase of preference, but not of emotion, because there was no increase of emotion founded. In addition, the effect of cognitive involvement in Chinese paintings was more obvious than that in West paintings. We also found that there could be adaptation effect in aesthetic process. In conclusion, the importance of cognitive involvement in preference increase was supported. But we cannot confirm the interaction between cognition and emotion. In addition, not only the increase of aesthetic preference and emotion, but also the decrease of them could be found in the second stage of art appreciation.