Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / During the Cold War, the United States’ foreign policy relied heavily on its ability to project military power. More often than not, the central component of force projection rested on the United States military’s effectiveness in employing air power both by establishing air superiority and through accurate delivery of ordnance. As the primary service tasked with conducting aerial warfare, the United States Air Force (USAF) was expected to maintain this capability either to achieve deterrence or, when necessary, to military action. In January 1973, the USAF seemed incapable of performing the latter task due to the North Vietnamese Integrated Air Defense System’s (NV-IAD’s) effectiveness in Operation Rolling Thunder and its successor, Operation Linebacker. Eighteen years later, Air Force aircraft spearheaded the Coalition’s air attack on the Iraqi Integrated Air Defense System (I-IADS) in January 1991. Considered by many to be the most effective air defense system outside the Soviet Union’s, the I-IADS was expected to exact heavy casualties from the allied forces. Instead, in less than twenty days, the USAF’s dominance was so complete that politicians, analysts and military historians quickly proclaimed a “Revolution in Military Affairs” (RMA). The majority of the current historiography credits advances in precision-guided munitions (PGMs), airframes, and computer technology as the impetus for the RMA. Others have claimed that the USAF’s training methodology and construction of advanced training sites such as the Red Flag complex at Nellis Air Force Base were the primary drivers for the Air Force’s success. While acknowledging the role all of these factors played, this dissertation also demonstrates the key role played by the development of Suppression of Enemy Air Defense (SEAD) doctrine from January 1973 through August 1991. In the aftermath of the American war in Vietnam, the Air Force considered defense suppression a tactical task that was secondary to the primary mission of putting ordnance on target. At the end of Desert Storm, proponents of the Air Force’s SEAD doctrine had convincing evidence that an enemy IADS was not just an ancillary weapons array, but functioned a critical national system just like manufacturing, government, or the people’s will. The process by which this viewpoint changed had effects on the development of the United States Air Force’s Cold War conventional capability in general, and the development of training methods, electronic warfare platforms, and modern airframes specifically.

The thesis inquires into the progressively worsening international role of Israel after the Six-Day War. It begins with analysis of some aspects of the aforementioned conflict and finishes with declaration of resolution no. 3379, which condemned Zionism as a form of racial discrimination.The goal of the thesis is to analyse process that led the state constituted with the help of UN to the position as one of the most criticized members of the organization, all in less than its thirty years old existence.In addition to the Six-Day War, the analysis deals with other significant moments of the Arab-Israeli conflict between years 1967-1975 with the declaration of the said resolution taking the largest extent.Further, the author attempted to define a group of states actively objecting to Zionism and Israel. Simultaneously, he attempted to define the meaning of the fight against Zionism to individual members of the inhomogeneous anti-Israeli bloc.The thesis mainly stands on the analysis of UN documents concerning the Palestine problem in the observed time period. Based on the performed research, the author comes to the conclusion that the condemnation of Zionism as a form of racial discrimination was possible not solely by development of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and by drawing attention to the...

In this Bachelor Thesis The Writers Aim To investigate the portrayal of the Soviet Union in the cold war. This portrayal is investigated using two different approaches, one qualitative and one quantitative. The qualitative method examine, through a textual analysis, the portrayal of the Soviet Union in two schoolbooks produced in different years. The first textbook produced in the year of 1996 and the second one in 2012. The quantitative method approach the problem by using a content analysis were the aim focus is to see if the portrayal of the Soviet Union is more positive than negative or vice versa. This is Examined By using a formulation called the coefficient of imbalance, Which is applied to classify content data as positive or negative. Four books are included in the quantitative content analysis, the earliest one is produced in 1986 and the latest in 2011. Both analysis uses the same theoretical background and previous researches, the theoretical background is in this case the use of history. Klas-Göran Karlssons typology over the use of history is the base of the theoretical background. Both analysis are presented separately to be presented together beneath "7. Slutsats" and "8. Diskussion". By merging the two analysis the two authors Could draw a conclusion. The conclusion show That the textbooks portray the Former Soviet Union in a dismissive manor. Some of the use of history had influenced the content in the textbooks, but the Majority didn't. The two use of history that had influenced the textbooks were “non-use of history” and “ideological history”. But the authors clarify that “none-use of history” has affected the portrayal of the cold war history of the Soviet Union.

M.Litt et Phil. / In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat normaalweg ook deur die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) as verstotelinge beskou word (Geldenhuys, 1997:15). Vir die doel van hierdie studie word hierdie nege beskou as die post-Koue Oorlogse verstotelingstate. Die meeste van hulle word nie slegs deur die VSA as verstotelinge behandel nie, maar deur verskeie ander state, en in sommige gevalle selfs deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bree.

The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al-Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana'a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic. A desperate appeal by Yemeni republicans brought the first Egyptian troops to Yemen. Saudi Arabia, pressured by Egyptian troops, border tribal considerations and earlier treaties with the Yemeni Imamate, supported the Imam's royalist opposition. The battleground between Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser and al-Badr was transformed into an arena for international conflict and diplomacy. The UN mission to Yemen, while portrayed as a symbol of failed and underfunded global peacekeeping at the time, was in fact instrumental in establishing the basis for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Bruce Condé, an American philatelist, brought global attention to the royalist-republican struggle to control the Yemeni postal system. The last remnants of the British Middle East Empire fought with Nasser to maintain a mutually declining level of influence in the region. Israeli intelligence and air force aided royalist forces and served witness to the Egyptian use of chemical weapons, a factor that would impact decision-making prior to the 1967 War. Despite concurrent Cold War tensions, Americans and Soviets appeared on the same side of the Yemeni conflict and acted mutually to confine Nasser to the borders of South Arabia. This internationalized conflict was a pivotal event in Middle East history as it oversaw the formation of a modern Yemeni state, the fall of Egyptian and British regional influence, another Arab-Israeli war, Saudi dominance of the Arabian Peninsula, and shifting power alliances in the Middle East.

La présente thèse est le résultat de plusieurs années de recherches et d'études consacrées aux interactions entre les sociétés occidentales libéral-démocratiques et les aires de civilisation non-occidentales et/ou promouvant des modèles idéologiques et géopolitiques anti-occidentaux, notamment l'islamisme radical que nous avons rangé dans la catégorie de totalitarisme plutôt que d'intégrisme ou de fondamentalisme.L'idée-force de notre travail - qui a pris comme point d'appui de départ l'instrumentalisation de l'idéologie islamiste radicale par les pays de l'Alliance atlantique sous la Guerre froide dans le but géopolitique d'endiguer et affaiblir l'ex-Union soviétique et qui a progressivement évolué vers l'analyse de l'antagonisme opposant les sociétés libéral-démocratiques occidentales à l'islamisme radical - est que l'islamisme radical moderne anti-occidental est, comme d'autres formes de contestations radicales (géopolitique, idéologique et spirituelle) du modèle occidental constatées depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, une façon de poursuivre le processus multiforme de décolonisation et de « réindigénisation », et que celui-ci est autant favorisé que contredit par la mondialisation marchande. « seconde décolonisation » ,D'après nos recherches, la mondialisation marchande, neutre d'un point de vue identitaire, ne supprime pas forcément les phénomènes d'appartenance identitaire, même si elle contribue à transcender les Etats-Nations, car elle peut également favoriser le renforcement des appartenances identitaires transnationales. Inventée par les Occidentaux, mais devenue universelle, la mondialisation au sens technologique et non idéologisé du terme peut donc accompagner le phénomène de seconde décolonisation dans la mesure où elle contribue à favoriser la constitution de pôles géoéconomiques et civilisationnels qui caractérisent le monde en voie de multipolarisation de l'Après-Guerre froide.A ce titre, l'indigénisme amérindien ; le populisme bolivariste ; l'islamisme radical ; le modèle malaisien « islamo-asiatique » ou les modèles nationalistes russe post-soviétique ou chinois peuvent utiliser les outils de la mondialisation tout en contestant radicalement le modèle démocratique libéral occidental fondé sur le primat de l'individu et des droits de l'homme jugés par nombre de modèles non-occidentaux comme attentatoires à l'identité nationale, religieuse ou civilisationnelle de nations qui voient dans le modèle universaliste occidental une menace pour leur identité propre et leur souveraineté.Dans le cadre de la seconde décolonisation, souvent portée par une dynamique de revanche qui pousse à rejeter les valeurs, les modèles politiques et les identités des pays européens ex-colonisateurs et de l'Occident libéral-démocratique - assimilés à un tout hostile, on constate que les représentations anti-occidentales fondées sur des visions diabolisantes et conspirationnistes, parfois empreintes aux idéologies totalitaires marxiste ou national-socialiste, ont constitué un apport extérieur non négligeable à l'idéologie islamiste radicale moderne. Elles ont ainsi contribué à ce que nous avons appelé sa « mutation totalitaire ».La double question formulée dans la présente étude est donc de savoir si les 2 grands vecteurs idéologiques du rejet de l'Occident dans le monde aujourd'hui, à savoir le nationalisme indigéniste et l'islamisme radical, constituent le résultat de l'interaction entre l'Occident hégémonique et le reste du monde, et pourquoi dans le premier cas, la seconde décolonisation s'est limitée à un repli géopolitique défensif et local, alors que la celle portée par l'islamisme a pris une forme offensive totalitaire et hégémonique ? / This PhD dissertation stems from the years of research and studies focused on interactions between Western liberal democratic societies and non-Western civilisations, promoting antagonistic ideological and geopolitical models. This research has started from the study of the instrumental use of the radical Islamist ideology by the NATO members during the Cold War that aimed to contain geopolitically and weaken the Soviet Union. Gradually, this dissertation has evolved into an analysis of the antagonism opposing Western liberal democratic societies to radical Islamism.The main idea of this dissertation is that the modern radical Islamist ideology has emerged as a result of « the second decolonization » which took place in the post-Cold-War multipolar world. We argue that the radical modern anti-Western Islamism has the same nature of other forms of radical contestation (geopolitical, ideological and spiritual) of the Western model. Those contestations, since the end of the Cold War, they all represents a form of continuation of decolonisationand of « re-indigenization » started in the late 1990s. This process has been fostered and at the same time contradicted by the globalization of the world economy. This study showed that the globalisation of the world economy which is neutral in terms of identity failed to erase the phenomena of cultural identities even though it contributes to transcend Nation-States. Nevertheless, globalisation can also reinforce transnational identities. As a product of the Western world, technologic and economic globalisation has rapidly spread across the world fostering at the same time the « second decolonisation ». Among the outcomes of globalization, therewas the creation of new geo-economic centres formed along civilizational lines in a world, which has been undergoing a « multipolarisation » since the end of the Cold War.In this sense, Amerindian indigenism, radical Islamism, the Asian-islamic Malaysian or Confucian Singapourian models, or even the Russian or Chines post-Communist nationalist cases can benefit from globalisation. On the other hand, all these ideologies are questioning the Western liberal democratic model based on the primacy of the individual and of human rights, which are considered by many non-Western societies as infringing on their national, religious or civilizational identities. In fact, such societies see in the Western universalist model a threat for their identity and their sovereignty.The « second decolonisation » has been often driven by dynamics of revenge resulting from denial of the values, of the political models and the identities of countries, which are former colonisers, but also of the liberal and democratic West, deemed equivalent on the whole to a hostile entity. The results of our research indicate to that anti-Western representations based on demonizing visions and conspiracy theories and sometimes shaped by totalitarian Marxist and Nazi ideologies constitute an important contribution to current radical Islamism and to its further « totalitarian mutation ».Finally, this thesis aims to answer to two questions. Firstly, assessing whether the two major vectors of rejection of the West, namely Indigenist Nationalism and Radical Islamism, they stem from the interaction between hegemonic West and the rest of the world. Secondly, understanding why in the first case the Second decolonization has evolved into a local defensive geopolitical withdrawal, while in the latter, it has taken form of hegemonic totalitarianism.

This thesis examines the politics of black identity in African American literature during what has come to be known as the ‘age of three worlds’. Across four chapters, I analyse texts by Ralph Ellison, Richard Wright, James Baldwin, and Lorraine Hansberry, exploring the way in which their writing plays out within and against the geopolitical exigencies of the Cold War and contemporaneous discourses of Civil Rights and black (inter)nationalism. In doing so, I explore the contrasting ways in which each of them displaces the binary logic that is typically seen as defining the 1950s, as a means of reconstituting both American and African American identity. Rejecting either/or identities, they all decentre prevailing notions of national and cultural identity by juxtaposing them with alternative spaces and temporalities, the result of which is a dual perspective that is simultaneously local and transnational. By extricating themselves, whether physically or intellectually, from a monolithic discursive framework, Ellison, Wright, Baldwin, and Hansberry recast the idea of double consciousness famously articulated by W. E. B. Du Bois in The Souls of Black Folk (1903). Instead of being a self-negating non-identity that serves as the psychological corollary to African Americans’ marginalised status, ‘two-ness’ is transmuted into a privileged vantage point that allows them to both intervene on the world historical stage as empowered modern subjects and renegotiate their relationship with the United States. What this two-ness amounts to, I argue, is a kind of dissonance. ‘Dissonance’, Duke Ellington claimed in 1941, names black people’s ‘way of life in America. We are something apart, yet an integral part’. The principle of introducing a ‘wrong’ note into a piece of music in order to generate new modalities of expression found in jazz is transposed into a social and literary context by the writers examined in this thesis. Each of them embodies and mobilises the socially grounded sense of being apart and a part alluded to by Ellington as a means of defamilarising normative notions of race, gender, and sexuality as they pertain to American-ness. In their place, they posit alternative forms of knowledge and politicised identity that reconstitute what it means to be both black and American in the middle of the twentieth century.

The master thesis deals with the topic of relations between Czech Republic and Greece from their beginning after 2nd world war to the end of 2010. The aim of the paper is to analyze these relations, describe their main ups and downs and clarify their position in the field of international affairs.

This thesis deals with the transformation of Austrian neutrality. Austria became neutral in 1955 because neutrality was seen as the most appropriate option for Austria to become an independent state. Austria has always appreciated its neutrality because it enabled an undisturbed development during the period of the Cold War. Only the European integration remained during this time a sensitive issue. After the Cold War, Austria started to redefine its neutrality to be able to join the European Union. It also started to participate in the Partnership for Peace. The decision to join NATO was finally not made. The end of this thesis assesses the impacts of the Treaty of Lisbon on the Austrian neutrality and shows the possible development of the neutral status of Austria.

Orientador: Eliane Moura Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T12:09:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_RodolphoGauthierCardosodos_M.pdf: 6709640 bytes, checksum: 1ab0d83d0b6a7940ad3e01ada763d52e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa a história das idéias relacionadas aos discos voadores, expressão utilizada para se referir a objetos e fenômenos aéreos não identificados no final dos anos 1940 e na década de 1950. Ao longo do texto, acompanhamos as mutações sofridas por esse conceito e sua cristalização num complexo sistema simbólico relacionado à noção de visitantes extraterrestres. Observamos especialmente as particularidades desse processo no Brasil entre os anos de 1947 e 1958. As principais fontes lidas foram produzidas pela imprensa. Através desse material, examinamos também o comportamento da própria imprensa, da comunidade científica nacional e de outros atores da sociedade brasileira no debate público a respeito do assunto. Desse modo, reconstituímos parcialmente lutas e tensões a respeito dos significados atribuídos aos discos voadores naquela época. / Abstract: This work analyses the history of the ideas related to the flying saucers, an expression used during the 1940s and 1950s to mean aerial unidentified phenomena and objects. Alongside the text, we follow the changes suffered by this concept and its crystallization into a complex symbolic system related to the extraterrestrial visitors idea. We also observe the specificities of this historical process in Brazil between 1947 and 1958 years. The main sources analyzed in this research were produced by the press. By reading texts from these sources, we could examine the behavior of the press, of the Brazilian scientific community and other actors from Brazilian society in the public debate related to this subject. In this manner, we reconstituted part of the struggles and tensions regarding the meanings attributed to the flying saucers at that time. / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História