Humanity currently faces an existential crisis: anthropogenic climate change. In order to guarantee our survival on a stable planet, immediate mitigation and adaption strategies must be implemented. However, institutions are failing to live up to the task and a concrete action plan is currently non-existent, as climate governance struggles with fragmentation, commitment, and challenges posed by neoliberalism. Since the top-down approach is insufficient, extra-institutional actors are arising as leaders for the environmental agenda.  This study narrows down on Greta Thunberg and assesses her capacity in leading the climate movement. The applicability of frame theory (Benford and Snow, 2000) will be tested to understand the mobilisation potential of Greta’s discourse. The main focus of this examination is to analyse how Greta has used diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational collective action frames in order to place the limelight on the seriousness of climate change and correspondingly how this has led to civil society mobilisation. Through a discourse analysis of her speeches, it was discovered that the framing perspective plays a role in meaning construction for the movement.

The use of nonviolent tactics has become the most common way to achieve change. The field of civil resistance has been predominantly focussed on the dynamics related to the outcome, however, about the types of organisational structures that are most effective, is no general consensus, yet. This thesis will try to fill this research gap by combining insights from organisational science, social movement studies, and civil resistance literature. The research question that is posed is: How does the organisational structure affect the outcome of civil resistance campaigns? A theoretical typology is created, proposing a four-fold classification system based on two relational characteristics, namely (1) the extent to which relations are either formal or informal, and (2) the extent to which the relations are hierarchical or lateral. A distinction is made between four quadrants with four different types of structures that affect four critical factors that affect the outcome of civil resistance campaigns: mass mobilisation, loyalty shifts, tactical diversity, and resilience. A ‘nested analysis’ approach is used combining quantitative and qualitative methods of research. After having conducted the analysis, the study showed that organisational structures affect the outcome of civil resistance campaigns in several ways. However, the main findings that were expected to be found did not yield significant evidence, as such the formulated hypothesis can ultimately be rejected. The results of the quantitative analysis show that the odds of success are 2.98 times larger in campaigns with formal organisational structures compared to informal structures, and the odds of success are 17.7 times larger in cases with centralised structures compared to clustered structures. Overall, centralised structures have the highest odds of success. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis suggests that unity, trust, and organisational capacity affect the likelihood that civil resistance campaigns achieve success. Future research should focus to further develop this theoretical model, assess the interaction between structural conditions and type of organisational structure adopted by civil resistance campaigns, and the impact that ICTs have on mobilising processes and organisational structure of civil resistance campaigns.

This thesis investigates the relationship between contemporary climate protest movements (Extinction Rebellion and Fridays For Future) and governmental bodies in European countries that declared a climate emergency in 2019. The primary contribution of this thesis is to demonstrate how emerging communication practices by these movements compare to the perceived influence of such practices among political decisionmakers in their governing bodies’ votes for a climate emergency declaration. Twitter content (tweets by movement accounts) surrounding protest actions of the climate movements was coded using concepts deduced from theoretical literature of participation, media and communication. Themes induced from this data were also used for coding. A thematic analysis of empirical interview text from semi-structured interviews of nine politicians in eight governmental bodies (six German city councils, that of Innsbruck, Austria and the Swiss cantonal parliament of Vaud) on this subject matter was done similarly. Relational thematic analyses of both datasets influenced the coding of one another. A frame analysis grounded in these data studied the use of social media imagery and text by the two movements. Another look at the interview data reflects the influence these movements had on climate emergency declarations via comparison of politicians’ stated impressions of the movements’ participation/influences with formations of tweeted movement frames. The data support the hypothesis that citizens engage via the connective power of personalized participatory culture on social media, enabling political participation. Today, we see a shift away from a political logic of social movements abiding to strong shared identity and meaning through frames of collective action. Instead, a social media logic, which aims to achieve the same functions, operates in loosely networked movements based on individualized frames of youth identity. This ‘connective identity’ bridges the participatory culture of social media with offline political participation in the streets and halls of power.

abstract: In many social-ecological systems, shared resources play a critical role in supporting the livelihoods of rural populations. Physical infrastructure enables resource access and reduces the variability of resource supply. In order for the infrastructure to remain functional, institutions must incentivize individuals to engage in provision and maintenance. The objective of my dissertation is to understand key formal and informal institutions that affect provision of shared infrastructure and the policy tools that may improve infrastructure provision. I examine these questions in the context of irrigation systems in India because infrastructure maintenance is a persistent challenge and system function is critical for global food production. My first study investigates how the presence of private infrastructure, such as groundwater pumps, affects the provision of shared infrastructure, such as shared tanks or surface reservoirs. I examine whether formal institutions, such as water pricing instruments, may prevent under-provision of the shared tanks. My findings suggest that in the absence of rules that coordinate tank maintenance, the presence of private pumps will have a detrimental effect on system productivity and equality. On the other hand, the combination of a fixed groundwater fee and a location-based maintenance fee for tank users can improve system productivity and equality. The second study examines the effect of power asymmetries between farmers, caused by informal institutions such as caste, on the persistence of political institutions that govern infrastructure provision. I examined the effect of policy tools, such as non-farm wage employment and informational interventions, on the persistence of two types of political institutions: self-governed and nested. Results suggest that critical regime shifts in political institutions can be generated by either intervening in formal institutions, such as non-farm wage employment, or informal institutions, such as knowledge transmission or learning mechanisms. The third study investigates how bureaucratic and political corruption affect public good provision. I examine how institutional and environmental factors affect the likelihood of corruption and infrastructure provision. I demonstrate that cracking down on corruption is only beneficial when infrastructure provision is poor. I also show that bureaucratic wages play an important role in curbing extralegal transactions and improving infrastructure provision. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Sustainability 2019

The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the well documented health disparities affecting racial and ethnic minorities, particularly those living in underserved urban settings. Due to historic and contemporary structural racism, these areas are often food deserts, lack adequate access to primary care services, and have higher rates of maternal and infant mortality. The lack of public health infrastructure to respond to emergencies, such as pandemics, can be rapidly met with collective action from communities to take care of their most vulnerable. After providing a basic overview of how structural racism has created the present-day disparities seen in communities such as North Philadelphia, this thesis investigates and makes the case for the capacity of these resilient communities to take care of themselves. To this end, I describe the work of North10 Philadelphia, Fabric Masks for North Philly, and the Maternal Wellness Village—community-based organizations that rapidly pivoted their work to fill the unmet needs of people in North Philadelphia related to food insecurity, personal protective equipment, and childbirth preparation and social support, respectively. I describe the utilization of the services provided by these groups and evaluate the evolution of their work from the onset of the pandemic through present day. Following each case study, I share the stories of the leaders behind each project to give voice to the people fighting for the health and wellbeing of their community. Lastly, I reflect on my positionality as a Black woman and medical student at a large academic institution partnering with these groups and assert the need to maintain partnerships with these and similar organizations to ensure the sustainability of their programming in the long term. / Urban Bioethics

Evolutionary psychology often relies on experimental methods for testing theories due to their capacity to isolate independent variables, thereby enhancing internal validity. The scientific problem in this study, however, lies in the fact that an increase in internal validity in experiments might risk reducing ecological validity. Therefore, the purpose of the study is to test experimental results from the evolutionary coalitional psychology in a real case, to evaluate the ecological validity of the theory. The case is the Ukraine war and the method is a qualitative thematic text analysis, of President Volodymyr Zelensky's speeches, close to Russia's invasion on February 24, 2022. The results reveal that the president in his speeches, motivates with a collective gain of participating in the defence of Ukraine, exhibits a punitive attitude towards perceived free-riders, and does not show any gender bias in his appeals. The evidence of collective gain and a punitive attitude is particularly notable as it aligns precisely with the theoretical expectations based on previous experimental results from coalitional psychology. This alignment between real-world findings and experimental predictions enhances the ecological validity of the theory, thus fulfilling the aim of the study. The conclusion is that evolutionary psychology can be effectively applied to real- world conflicts within peace and conflict studies.

The challenges of sustainability and its complexities born out of overexploitation of resources, leading to climate change issues, food wastage, and scarcity, economic and health-related dilemmas, has yet to find their solution in top-down models, taking the form of hierarchical control (rulers), as such, researchers have considered other alternatives to how communities can tackle these issues, and one of such approach is the bottom-up model. Recent research and literature on collective action have focused on sequencing events like regime changes, riots, revolutions, protests, and the founding of social movement organizations. This study ethnographically investigated the relevant factors for collective action and factors influencing individual cooperation in the local community initiative, Food Rescue Gotland, through a four-week participant observation with eight in-depth interviews. The relevant factors identified in this context were a sense of community, passion for sustainability, good atmosphere for work, committed volunteers and trust, availability of resources and goodwill ambassadors, ease of participation, small size, effective communication, and good structure. Significant factors influencing individual cooperation include knowledge about sustainability, a sense of belonging, and a shared sense of community. This study contributes to the broader literature on successful collective action for sustainability in the context of local community initiatives. It contributes further to the replicability of this kind of local community initiative in other communities and awareness of its impact on Gotland Island, Sweden.

How do people maintain a sense of control when they realize the noncontingencies in their personal life and their strong interdependence with other people? Why do individuals continue to act on overwhelming collective problems, such as climate change, that are clearly beyond their personal control? Group-based control theory proposes that it is social identification with agentic groups and engagement in collective action that serve to maintain and restore people’s sense of control, especially when their personal control is threatened. As a consequence, group-based control may enable people to act adaptively and stay healthy even when personal control seems futile. These claims are supported by evidence showing increased in-group identification and group-based action intentions following reminders of low personal control. Furthermore, these responses of identifying with agentic in-groups increase people’s perceived control and well-being. This article succinctly presents group-based control theory and relevant empirical findings. It also elaborates on how group-based control relates to other social-identity motives and how it may explain social phenomena.

Background: “APES TOGETHER STRONG“ was one of the slogans, that participants of the influential GameStop movement (who ironically called themselves “apes“) utilized to show their unity (“together strong“) and relentlessness in their seemingly irrational actions. Erupting in January 2021, retail investors that had formed a community via Reddit, collectively achieved to multiply the stock price of American gaming retail chain GameStop, causing huge losses for hedge funds, resulting in political discussions and social outrage. This community was quickly labelled as a social movement. Research Problem: Despite the widespread understanding that social media had and has major impacts on social movements and their constitution, research on various aspects concerning movements in the context of social media remain underdeveloped. On a broader level, the formation of digital social movements within online communities presents a suitable area of research. On a finer level, newcomers and their socialization were identified as research gaps. Research Purpose: The purpose of this study is to close these research gaps by identifying key factors of socialization within digital movements. Additionally, it aims at showcasing the implications of these factors on the broader community and movement development. Research Question: How are newcomers socialized and integrated in digital movements? Research Method: This study is a qualitative, inductive research. It follows the relativistic ontology and the social constructionism epistemology. The methodology is an explorative, single case study and data is purposively collected through interviews and from Reddit. The data is analyzed utilizing the Gioia method. Conclusion: Our findings concentrate on four dualities concerning socialization and community development. Community growth, purpose, jargon and activity are found to be inherently divergent themes and mechanisms within the movement. From this we abstract a framework towards a spectrum of socialization approaches ranging from regulated to unregulated socialization. As such, we showcase the implications of both ofthese ends and how communities must be flexible in their socialization approach.

The dissertation investigates the form of network governance in the context of U.S. homeless service networks (namely continuum of care programs; CoCs). This research examines CoC homeless service networks by applying the institutional collective action (ICA) perspectives to understand the forms of network governance as a reflection of network context. The ICA perspective has been applied to understand the rational behavior of network members for the network governance form to mitigate the collective action problems. The ICA perspective helps understand why network members accept specific governance structures with their expectation to maximize the benefits and minimize the costs and uncertainty in their process of collaboration. This dissertation uses the data of CoC networks and point in time data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development in 2019 and Census. The data developed for this study offers the homeless incidences, geographical characteristics, and governance structure based on the contact information. For an in-depth understanding, interview by CoC leaders was integrated. This dissertation consists of four essays about 1) Literature review on network governance and the theoretical argument in the ICA framework, 2) Background and network governance of the U.S. homeless service networks, 3) Factors affecting the choice of network administrative organization (NAO) form, and 4) Interviews by the representatives of CoC networks. The findings inform us of the governance structure for the effective service provisions and coordination of actions of network members and about why and how network organizations choose a form of network governance.