by Cheung Lai-Kuen Hermia, Leung Kwok-Choi Andrew, Mok Wai-Hin Peter. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1987. / Bibliography: leaves 58-59.

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Includes bibliographical references. Addresses the question of what an economic model of the world wine market suggests will happen to wine production, consumption, trade and prices in various regions in the early 21st century. A subsidiary issue is what difference would global or European regional wine liberalisation make to that outlook, according to such a model. Accompanying CD-ROM comprises spreadsheet written by Nick Berger, November 2000, for the Windows and Office97 versions of Excel; a seven region world wine model (WWM7) - base version projecting the world wine market 1996-2005 as a non-linear Armington model. System requirements for accompanying CD-ROM: IBM compatible computer ; Microsoft Excel 97 or later.

In modern economies, national governments have a wide range of policies for restricting international trade and protecting domestic industries at their disposal. The most popular form of non-tariff trade policies is probably that of a direct quantitative restriction. This policy takes two principal forms: explicit import quotas and voluntary export restraints (VERs). A VER is a quota imposed by an exporting country upon exports to other countries in response to pressures exercised by the importing countries (i.e., in the form of threats of various types of import restrictions). When these two policies are partially liberalized, subject to a reasonable foreign share in the domestic market, product differentiation between imported goods and domestic goods within an imperfect market can serve to increase welfare levels within the domestic economy. In this situation, the foreign share will not be as high as it would be for the homogeneous assumption. Under a partial VER liberalization policy, if the degree of substitutability between domestic and imported goods is sufficiently small, then domestic welfare will improve as foreign imports are increased. That is, if domestic and imported goods are perfect substitutes, then the most favorable domestic policy will be to close domestic markets to the foreign country since no country can allow foreign market shares as high as 66 percent in the domestic market. In a simulation of U.S. automobile industrial production, when a partial quota liberalization is observed, welfare levels can be increased by reducing the Japanese import market share to a level below 10 percent, that is, to a level which is less than the actual current foreign market share. In real terms, this implies that U.S. auto industry must be further liberalized to acquire additional domestic benefits under a VER policy, whereas the U.S. should restrict foreign market share below 10 percent to maximize domestic welfare levels under a quota policy. This will occur if the net consumer surplus is in excess of producer net excess profits under an imperfect market structure. / Graduation date: 1993

China, a nation inhabited by one fifth of the world's population and often referred to as "the sleeping giant", is undergoing significant transition. China, subject to domestic changes in its quest for a new balance between traditions, socialist notions and market economy, defines its new role in a changing world that drives towards the globalization of trade in goods and services faces. / This study examines the Chinese position regarding two aspects significant for both China's domestic process of transition and China's international role: telecommunications and banking services. The first chapter examines the general international framework of the GATS with respect to telecommunications and financial services. This includes, inter alia, a study of the legal framework, comprising in particular the WTO Financial Services Agreement and the Basic Telecommunications Agreement. Chapter Two provides an overview of the Chinese telecommunications and banking sectors. This Chapter focuses on the historical and cultural background influencing the process of domestic deregulation and internationalization of these sectors. Chapter Three features an assessment of the Sino-US WTO Agreement on the telecommunications and banking sectors. In the course of this study, a number of concerns and probable consequences can be identified for both sectors examined. / Will "the sleeping giant" move on towards complete market liberalization, or is that prospect merely a castle in the air? This study explores how the China's legal framework governing these two key sectors might unfold.

This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?   In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.   The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

The central focus is on the testing of the causes and effects of export earnings instability in Brazil, 1953-1983. While Brazil has been included in some cross-sectional studies of fluctuations in export earnings, it has not been the subject of a case study, as is provided here. We test the traditional theory which stipulates that increased diversification of exports will decrease export earnings instability, and that in turn, a decrease in export earnings instability will enhance economic growth. While we do find that export diversification in Brazil did result in lower export earnings instability, the lower export earnings instability did not in turn stimulate economic growth. Our results indicate that the export earnings instability of manufactured goods was positively associated with the growth rate of Brazil's Gross National Product. The results of this case study may prove relevant to other developing countries striving to emulate the Brazilian success in diversifying into manufactured exports.

O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Banca: Rafael Antônio Duarte Villa / Banca: Flávia de Campos Mello / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo central examinar e problematizar a reflexão sobre o relacionamento entre a Organização Mundial do Comércio e, seu principal arquiteto, os Estados Unidos, à luz de diferentes teorias das Relações Internacionais e de considerações em torno do debate doméstico sobre a OMC nesse país. Observamos a relação entre os EUA e a OMC tanto no que concerne o plano das negociações comerciais multilaterais, como também, no que se refere à dimensão do Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias, tentando estabelecer paralelos com as dificuldades de negociação no âmbito da Rodada Doha. Historicamente, os EUA dominaram os resultados das negociações comerciais multilaterais, prevalecendo na determinação do conteúdo das regras da OMC, assim como, na definição de suas principais características: uma ampla cobertura temática e a presença de um mecanismo judicial que está entre as formas mais avançadas de direito internacional da atualidade. Contudo, estudos indicam que, no plano das negociações comerciais, devido a alterações na economia mundial, a tradicional influência norte-americana foi sendo reduzida ao longo do tempo, apresentando implicações importantes para o processo de produção de regras da organização. Além disso, autores sugerem que a reforma do OSC melhorou o posicionamento das partes demandantes das disputas, mesmo quando essas partes estavam iniciando casos contra os EUA, restringindo assim a capacidade desse Estado de determinar os resultados das disputas e de descumprir seus compromissos internacionais no campo do comércio. Os interesses norte-americanos estão largamente refletidos na OMC e, embora esse seja o traço mais forte a definir o relacionamento entre os EUA e essa instituição, ele não é o único. A interação entre a OMC e os interesses dos EUA parece mais complexa do que alguns teóricos das relações internacionais argumentaram / Abstract: The main purpose of this work is to examine and discuss the reflection on the relationship between the World Trade Organization and, its principal architect, the United States, in light of different theories of International Relations and of considerations over the domestic debate on the WTO in this country. We observed the relationship between the U.S. and the WTO both in respect to the multilateral trade negotiations and with regard to the Dispute Settlement Body, trying to draw parallels with the current difficulties in negotiating the Doha Round. Historically, the U.S. has dominated the results of multilateral trade negotiations, prevailed in the determination of the rules of the WTO and, consequently, in the definition of its main features: a broad coverage and the presence of a judicial mechanism that is among the most advanced forms of international law today. Nevertheless, concerning the multilateral trade negotiations, studies point out that, due to changes in the global economy, U.S.'s influence in this area has been reduced over time, with significant implications for the rule-making process of the organization. Besides that, some authors argue that the reform of the DSB has improved the positioning of plaintiffs in disputes, even when they were starting cases against the U.S. and thus restricted U.S.'s ability to determine the outcome of disputes and disregard its international commitments in the field of trade. U.S.'s interests are largely reflected in the WTO and, although this is the strongest characteristic applied in order to describe the relationship between the U.S. and this institution, this is not the only one. The interaction between the WTO and the U.S's interests may actually be more complex than some International Relations scholars have argued / Mestre

Esta tese trata das relações comerciais entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos, através da perspectiva da história econômica, num recorte temporal de cinqüenta anos, que vão desde o pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial até meados dos anos noventa, período no qual se desenvolveram importantes transformações produtivas, nas relações comerciais, bem como no relacionamento político-diplomático bilateral. Também remontam a este período, a formação do marco institucional de representação dos interesses sociais e produtivos, tanto nas economias nacionais, quanto no âmbito internacional. Nosso objetivo foi traçar a evolução deste relacionamento bilateral, a partir do tema da política comercial, inserida no contexto dos interesses nacionais - expressos pelos setores produtivos domésticos -, e pela política externa, que limitam ou potencializam a evolução da política comercial e que ao mesmo tempo também são influenciados por ela. Para validar nossos argumentos, utilizamos a cronologia como fio condutor, entrelaçando as posições diplomáticas das relações internacionais, com os acontecimentos econômicos, comerciais e institucionais de representação. / This thesis is regarding Brazil\'s and United States of America commercial relationship under the economic history perspective, within a period of fifty years, since the post Second World War until mid nineties. In that period several important productive transformations occurred, at the commercial relationship, as well as at the bilateral political -diplomatic matters. It is also from that period the institutional representational mark of the social and productive interests, at the national and international economies. Our objective is to set an evolutionary track of those bilateral relationships, from the commercial point of view, inserted at the national interests context- expressed throughout the domestic productive sectors- and by the external policy which put a limit or give more strength to the commercial policy evolution, at the same time as they are influenced by it. In order to validate our arguments, we used the chronology as a conductor track, interlacing the diplomatic international relationship with the economic events, commercial and institutional of representation.

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