The goal of my diploma thesis is to describe the influence of ECJ decision making on the common commercial policy ("CCP") of EU. Specifically my thesis examines what factors influence ECJ decision making about direct effect of trade agreements implementing CCP. These factors are applied on several treaties, where the court has not yet decided on their potential direct effect and on a present case at ECJ on direct effect of WTO treaties. With regard to the goal of my thesis an important part of my thesis deals with the development of ECJ decision making. Methods applied in my thesis are analysis and comparison of selected judgements that influence the CCP of EU. After proper analysis I found out that the main motiv behind ECJ decision making is that, if the negotiating position of EU is to be deteriorated, the ECJ is likely to find that the treaty does not have direct effect. Other factors are of secondary character. Examining the influence of decision making of ECJ on direct effect of trade agreements is important, because the role of ECJ influences the legal certainty of subjects about direct applicability of international trade treaties.

Thesis (M.A. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2020 / The foreign policy of the Republic of China (PRC) has been a considerable subject for debate in the past two decades. This is because China has turned its attention towards Africa, seen with the establishment of Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in the early 2000s. Another reason for this debate is found in the fact that after FOCAC’s initiation, China has managed to become the largest trade partner of the African continent and the second biggest economy in the past two decades. Generally, China-Africa relations are largely a by-product of economic and political orientations. In the context of the above, this study uses a case study design to critique the foreign policy of China towards Africa. This case study design uses Zambia as a test case to critique the post-2010 Chinese foreign policy towards Africa. This is done by constructing and analysing China’s Africa policy and subsequently, locating China’s International relations with Zambia. To a great extent, this study imparts historical sensibility as it locates China’s international relations with Zambia from as far as during the colonial period. The consideration of historicity in this study draws fundamentally from the fact that the past always provides a resonate basis for comprehending the present and the future. In this study, the researcher advocate for the utility of Afrocentricity as a substitute theoretical framework important in apprehending China’s foreign policy towards Africa. The adoption and utility of this paradigm in this study are informed highly by its ability in spotlighting and highlighting the Asian tiger (China)’s international relations with Zambia. It is believed in this study that a profound comprehension of China’s Zambia policy can be realised when such interpretations and analysis are deeply found in the continental context of the African continent. Equally important are the objectives of this study which were realised, methodologically, through the use of document review. In consideration of the case study of Zambia, It is important to highlight that China ground-roots its engagement with Zambia on several factors of which the leading are: investment, international legitimacy and market drive. To add, Zambia’s stable political and economic environments continue to play a key role in the two countries' interrelations. This is so, even though some of the Chinese companies operating in Zambia are still unfamiliar with the practice of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). Overall, the concept of CSR should be in the leading front when it comes to the operations of Chinese companies in Zambia’s economic stakeholders.

This study examines U.S. exports and imports to/from its major 15 trading partners and Russia. To analyze U.S. export and import flows the gravity model approach is used. Factors affecting U.S. bilateral trade flows with its 16 trading countries are evaluated using Generalized Method of Moments (GMM). Annual data from 2000 to 2009 are used for this study. Goods traded between the U.S. and its trading partners are disaggregated into three groups based on the Standard International Trade Classification (SITC). Results show that major factors affecting both U.S. export and import flows are distance and change in polity score. Also U.S. exports are influenced by U.S. trading partner Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for agricultural (AGR) and middle sector (MID) groups. U.S. foreign direct investment is a complement for U.S. exports of final (FIN) group and at the same time it serves as substitute for U.S. exports of AGR. On the other hand, U.S. imports of AGR and foreign direct investment (FDI) from 16 trading partners to the U.S. are substitutes. This study also reveals that the U.S. and Russia bilateral trade could be improved through economic growth in both countries, improving political cooperation and increasing inward and outward FDI.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science ))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / The accession of the China to the World Trade Organization represents one of the most significant political-economic events since the close of the Cold War. China’s distinctive political and socio-economic history has made its process of accession unlike that of any other member-nation of the WTO. This study aims to answer the questions of how and to what extent has China complied with its WTO commitments that apply to the life insurance sector. In order to answer these questions, this study employs the qualitative method of evaluation of describing China’s post-accession behavior then comparing that behavior to the liberalization commitments contained in China’s accession protocol and its service schedule. Upon examination of the evidence, it appears that China has been partially compliant with the WTO-related commitments in the life insurance sector. China’s compliance with market access commitments in area of ownership structure exhibits a compromise between the interests of other WTO members. China’s liberalization of geographic restrictions shows that China’s interest in even development of its insurance market also figures into its decision to comply. China’s compliance with commitments regarding licensing, however, appears to show a maneuvering around obligations in order to protect the domestic life insurance industry. While rational functionalist approaches are more helpful in explaining China’s compliance behavior in regards to market access commitments, constructivist normative approaches are more in explaining China’s compliance behavior in regards to its general commitments. Compliance behavior with regard to transparency-related commitments in the life insurance sector reflects socialization or an adjustment to the WTO-norm of transparency. Compliance behavior in with regard to judicial review-related commitments in the life insurance sector reflects an adjustment to the WTO-norm in policy, but this norm is rarely observed in practice. In sum, China’s compliance behavior in regards to commitments in the life insurance sector has generally been compliant with few exceptions. However, all judgments on compliance are generally subject because they reflect the interests of the parties involved. The true test of China’s compliance will begin after full accession in 2007, when WTO members are allowed to files cases against China in the WTO dispute resolution panel.

Thesis (MComm)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Recently countries have become more aware of the potential anti-competitive effects of anti-dumping measures. This is mostly due to the view that anti-dumping measures, as trade policy instruments, are at odds with the objectives of competition policy. According to many economic writers the only rational economic justification for anti-dumping measures is predatory dumping as an extreme form of price discrimination. Apart from the dramatic change in the economic justification for the use of anti-dumping measures over the last decades, there has also been a significant change in the countries that implement these measures. Since the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations there has been a shift from developed countries to developing countries being the main users of these policy tools. In the last couple of years the member countries of the Southern African Customs Union have been under increased pressure by private firms to enable the use of anti-dumping measures on intra-regional goods trade. However, the appropriateness of utilising these measures on intra-regional trade in the context of a custom union has been a contentious issue in recent economic debate. These measures erect trade barriers among the member states which are against the basic premise of a customs union. This has resulted in most economists calling for the prohibition and replacement of anti-dumping measure with either coordinated domestic or harmonised regional competition policies. In developing the regional and national policies on anti-dumping the SACU member states can follow two main stream approaches. The first is the incorporation of various competition principles into anti-dumping rules to limit the negative welfare and anti-competitive effects of utilising anti-dumping measures, while the second is the abolition of anti-dumping measures in the region which is then replaced by competition policy. The option best suited for SACU depends on the differing viewpoints on implementing anti-dumping measures in a customs union. However, irrespective of which policy combination is chosen, regional and national polices and authorities will have to be created, adapted and/or amended in order to have an effective interaction between anti-dumping and competition policies applicable to intra-regional trade. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Lande het ontlangs meer bewus geword van die moontlike negatiewe uitwerking wat maatreëls teen storting van goedere in markte kan hê op plaaslike en internasionale mededinging. Dit is hoofsaaklik as gevolg van die siening dat teen-stortingsmaatreëls, as instrumente van handelsbeleid, se doelwitte teenstrydig is met die van mededingingsbeleid. Volgens vele ekonomiese skrywers is die enigste rasionele ekonomiese regverdiging vir teen-stortingsmaatreëls predatoriese storting as ‘n uiterse vorm van prysdiskriminasie. Afgesien van die dramatiese verandering in die ekonomiese regverdiging vir die gebruik van teen-storingsmaatreëls oor die laaste dekades, het daar ook ‘n beduidende verandering plaasgevind in die lande wat hierdie maatreëls om goedere handel implementeer. Sedert die Uruguay Rondte van Multi-laterale Handelsooreenkomste het daar ‘n verskuiwing plaasgevind van ontwikkelde lande na ontwikkellende lande as die belangrikste gebruikers van hierdie beleidsinstrumente. In die laaste paar jaar het private firmas die lidlande van die Suider-Afrikaanse Doeane-Unie onder toenemede druk begin plaas vir die gebruik van teen-storingsmaatreëls op invoere vanaf die res van die streek. Alhoewel, huidiglik is die toepaslikehid van die gebruik van hierdie maatreëls op handel, in die konteks van ‘n doeane-unie, steeds ‘n omstrede kwessie binne ekonomiese dabatte. Hierdie maatreëls rig handelsversperrings tussen lidlande op wat teen die basiese veronderstelling van ‘n doeane-unie is. As gevolg hiervan is die meeste ekonome van die opinie dat teen-storingsmaatreëls vervang moet word met óf gekoördineerde binnelandse of geharmoniseerde streeks- mededingingsbeleid. Die SADU-lidlande kan twee benaderings volg in die ontwikkeling van streeks- en nasionale beleid oor teen-storingsmaatreëls. Die eerste is the insluiting van verskillende mededingingsbeginsels in bepalings wat handel oor teen-storingsmaatreëls om sodoende die moontlike negatiewe gevolge van hierdie maatreëls te beperk. Die tweede opsie is om teen-storingsmaatreëls op streeks-invoere met bededingingsbeleid te vervang. Die mees gepasde opsie sal af hang van die verskillende standpunte rondom die toepaslikheid van teen-stortingsmaatreëls in ‘n doeane-unie. Alhoewel, ongeag die beleidskombinasie wat gekies word sal nasionale en streeks-beleid en owerhede geskep, aangepas en/of gewysig moet word ten einde ‘n effektiewe interaksie tussen teen-storingsmaatreëls en mededingingsbeleid binne SADU te verseker.

The purpose of this investigation is to examine the political factors which came into the creation and implementation of the Andean Foreign Investment Code. This study analyzes the political forces in the creation of the Code and examines the implementation of the Code in each of the Andean countries. This investigation concludes that although the Code has not been implemented uniformly in the Andean countries, it remains an important part of the Andean Common Market. In addition, the continual political consensus among the member countries is emphasized for the continuation of the Andean integration effort.

This paper investigates the role of the global excess liquidity for macroeconomic variables, especially asset prices and external imbalance in China. We estimate structural VAR model and find evidence that the surge in global liquidity has limited effects on China's price level, output and asset prices. By inspecting the structural decomposition, we find that global output and inflation shocks affect domestic macroeconomic fluctuation. Using sign restrictions, we estimate the impacts of three structural shocks in driving the external imbalance and find that the global excess liquidity is a relevant factor while the shock to financial market may be a more important role in explaining the external imbalance than productivity shock. / Sun, Yun. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 57-63). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- Introduction --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2. --- Theoretical background --- p.6 / Chapter 2. --- Data and methodology --- p.14 / Chapter 2.1. --- Data description --- p.14 / Chapter 2.2. --- Methodology --- p.16 / Chapter 3. --- Results and Interpretation --- p.21 / Chapter 3.1. --- Domestic SVAR results --- p.21 / Chapter 3.2. --- A global SVAR analysis for China --- p.35 / Chapter 4. --- Three structural shocks and global imbalance --- p.47 / Chapter 4.1. --- Sign restrictions analysis --- p.47 / Chapter 4.2. --- Empirical Evidence --- p.50 / Chapter 5. --- Conclusion --- p.54 / Chapter A. --- Data --- p.64

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration