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The mining industry is acknowledge to be a very stressful and demanding profession, driven by performance and intense working environments, hazardous working conditions and socially undesirable working hours. These factors could impact on the interaction between work and nonwork roles of employees. The objectives of this research were to investigate the prevalence of the different work-nonwork conflict scales and to determine the demographic differences of work-nonwork conflict in a sample of mining employees. A random sample of 245 mining employees was taken from a platinum mine in the Rustenburg area. A newly developed Work-nonwork Interference Scale of Koekemoer (2009), measuring the interference between work and other nonwork roles, was used as measuring instrument. Descriptive statistics, Cronbach alpha coefficients, Paired-sample t-tests, Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) and one-way analysis of variance (ANOVAS) were used to analyse the data. Work-nonwork conflict was more prevalent than nonwork-work conflict. The results also indicated that work-family conflict is more prevalent than work-domestic conflict and work-religion conflict. However, work-domestic conflict was more prevalent than work-religion conflict. Statistically significant differences exist between demographic groups based on marital status and language regarding work-nonwork conflict. The results obtained indicated that African-speaking participants experienced higher levels of private-work conflict compared to Afrikaans and English-speaking participants. The results also revealed that participants who are not married experienced higher levels of private-work conflict than those who are married. Some recommendations made in this study included that the mining industry should focus on providing support in terms of available resources and effectively managed work-nonwork role conflicts. Recommendations for future research include larger sample sizes, administration of questionnaires to various occupational groups, investigation of positive interaction between work and other life roles as well as longitudinal and research designs. / Thesis (M.Com. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.

The mining industry is acknowledge to be a very stressful and demanding profession, driven by performance and intense working environments, hazardous working conditions and socially undesirable working hours. These factors could impact on the interaction between work and nonwork roles of employees. The objectives of this research were to investigate the prevalence of the different work-nonwork conflict scales and to determine the demographic differences of work-nonwork conflict in a sample of mining employees. A random sample of 245 mining employees was taken from a platinum mine in the Rustenburg area. A newly developed Work-nonwork Interference Scale of Koekemoer (2009), measuring the interference between work and other nonwork roles, was used as measuring instrument. Descriptive statistics, Cronbach alpha coefficients, Paired-sample t-tests, Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) and one-way analysis of variance (ANOVAS) were used to analyse the data. Work-nonwork conflict was more prevalent than nonwork-work conflict. The results also indicated that work-family conflict is more prevalent than work-domestic conflict and work-religion conflict. However, work-domestic conflict was more prevalent than work-religion conflict. Statistically significant differences exist between demographic groups based on marital status and language regarding work-nonwork conflict. The results obtained indicated that African-speaking participants experienced higher levels of private-work conflict compared to Afrikaans and English-speaking participants. The results also revealed that participants who are not married experienced higher levels of private-work conflict than those who are married. Some recommendations made in this study included that the mining industry should focus on providing support in terms of available resources and effectively managed work-nonwork role conflicts. Recommendations for future research include larger sample sizes, administration of questionnaires to various occupational groups, investigation of positive interaction between work and other life roles as well as longitudinal and research designs. / Thesis (M.Com. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-18T14:51:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Cristian Barreto de Miranda - Rebuliço no Coreto.pdf: 3088199 bytes, checksum: b9efb4c7671890cb7ee19d8512b95421 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-03-28T18:18:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Cristian Barreto de Miranda - Rebuliço no Coreto.pdf: 3088199 bytes, checksum: b9efb4c7671890cb7ee19d8512b95421 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T18:18:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Cristian Barreto de Miranda - Rebuliço no Coreto.pdf: 3088199 bytes, checksum: b9efb4c7671890cb7ee19d8512b95421 (MD5) / CAPES / Este trabalho tem como objeto de estudo o conflito ocorrido entre representantes da Igreja Católica e o poder público municipal de Conceição do Coité entre 1989 e 2000. Os religiosos que chegaram a partir de 1989 na instituição religiosa local, especialmente o Padre Luiz Rodrigues de Oliveira, influenciados por novas diretrizes de evangelização adotadas pela Igreja no Concílio Ecumênico Vaticano II, contribuíram para a vivência de um catolicismo mais preocupado com dinâmica das relações sociopolíticas e na mobilização contra a política clientelista em Conceição do Coité. A Igreja local por não atender mais aos interesses exclusivos do poder público municipal e interferir no campo político coiteense enfrentou a reação do grupo político dominante, denominado de “Vermelhos”, que exerce há mais de 38 anos a hegemonia no poder local. A atuação política dos representantes católicos na sociedade coiteense é um significativo exemplo para compreender como alguns setores da Igreja Católica no semiárido baiano agiram diante das inovações do Concílio Ecumênico Vaticano II e de como as ações da chamada Igreja Popular ainda persistem diante de contextos econômicos e políticos arcaicos. This work has as object of study the conflict occurred between representatives of Catholic Church and the municipal government of Conceição do Coité between 1989 and 2000. The religious people who arrived in the referred city from 1989 in the local religious institution, mainly Father Luiz Rodrigues de Oliveira, influenced by the new guidelines for the evangelization adopted by the Church in The Second Vatican Council, contributed to the experience a Catholicism more concerned with the dynamics of sociopolitical relations and mobilization against clientelist politics in Conceição do Coité. As the local Church no longer met the exclusive interests of the municipal government and also didn’t interfere in the political field of the people from Conceição do Coité, it faced the reaction of the ruling political party, called “Vermelhos”, that has been ruling the hegemony in the local government for 38 years. The political actions of the catholic representatives in the society of Conceição do Coité is a significant example to understand how some sectors of the Catholic Church in the semiarid of Bahia have acted on the innovations of The Second Vatican Council, and how the actions of the called Popular Church still persist facing the archaic economic and political contexts.

Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / Este trabalho tem a pretensão de abordar o processo democrático e a liberdade de expressão, sob a ótica do conflito. Desta maneira, alguns conceitos serão abordados, campo jurídico, democracia e liberdade de expressão. Através de uma revisão bibliográfica e análise documental, se verificará como o campo jurídico funciona e como seus agentes utilizam dos instrumentos jurídicos como maneira de manutenção da ordem estabelecida. Neste cenário, o direito à liberdade de expressão será utilizado como forma de visualização de como estas teorias são aplicadas e verificadas no ambiente concreto. Enquanto objetivo geral, se tem a pretensão de demostrar, através do direito de liberdade de expressão, a ideia do conflito como construtor de uma sociedade mais democrática. Especificamente, se pretende diferenciar os conceitos de democracia de consenso e democracia de conflito; fazer uma análise sobre a liberdade de manifestação enquanto questão essencial para a construção democrática; explicitar as características hegemônicas e contra hegemônicas dentro da democracia. Quanto às hipóteses se trabalhará, primeiramente, que a sociedade brasileira ainda possui uma dificuldade no reconhecimento dos instrumentos de luta social, especialmente aqueles que se utilizam da manifestação pública da discordância política; em segundo, que o campo jurídico, no Brasil, vive uma forte tensão entre as ideias progressistas e as ideias conservadores, sendo esta claramente retratada pelas decisões das autoridades judiciárias; e, por fim, que o Estado brasileiro ainda é majoritariamente dominado por ideologia e instrumentos simbolicamente autoritários, os quais ainda estão presentes dentro das instituições e dificultam uma vivência democrática. Nos últimos tempos, principalmente nos anos próximos à virada do século, houve um grande questionamento dos conceitos e das estruturas que tradicionalmente compõem o Estado, especialmente se tratando da representatividade formal e da construção das políticas públicas. Em vários países ocidentais, e alguns orientais, emergem movimentos que questionam formas tradicionais governamentais e como essas pessoas tem sido representadas nas políticas sociais, como o Los Indignados e o Occupy. Entendeu-se necessário o estudo sobre esta tensão que ocorre entre as forças que atuam na sociedade em virtude do acirramento das manifestações populares, inclusive no Brasil. Por isso o estudo se versa na análise da interação dessas forças jurídicas e seus embates, seja no ambiente político ou no jurídico. Historicamente, as classes dominantes estiveram à frente das decisões econômico-sociais, inclusive se utilizando da violência simbólica e criação ideológica no sentido de transformá-la em vontade geral e na ideia de bem comum. A criação de discursos hegemônicos contribui para a manutenção do poder dominante e uma estrutura hierarquizada. Nesse sentido, a produção que acontece no campo jurídico contribui para a perpetuação de certas lógicas e discursos próprios desse campo, caracterizando as forças que o estruturam e o modo com que produzem. E é neste cenário de tensão política que se analisará a efetivação da construção democrática, quando, na existência de um conflito, o direito de liberdade de expressão é dos primeiros que sofre restrições. / This work pretends to address the democratic process and freedom of expression from the perspective of the conflict. Thus, some concepts will be studied: legal field, democracy and freedom of expression. Through a literature review and documentary analysis, check how the legal field works and how its agents use the legal instruments as a way of maintaining the established order. In this scenario, the right to freedom of expression will be used as a way to display how these theories are applied and verified in the concrete environment. As a general goal, it purports to demonstrate, through the right to freedom of expression, the idea of conflict as a builder of a more democratic society. Specifically, it is intended to differentiate the consensus democracy concepts of democracy and conflict; make an analysis on freedom of expression as a key issue for building democracy; explain the features and hegemonic against hegemonic within democracy. Regarding the chances, first, that Brazilian society still has a difficulty in recognizing the instruments of social struggle, especially those who use the public expression of political dissent; second, that the legal field, in Brazil, lives a strong tension between progressive ideas and conservative ideas, which is clearly depicted by the decisions of the judicial authorities; and, finally, that the Brazilian State is still largely dominated by ideology and symbolically authoritarian instruments, which are still present within the institutions and undermine democratic experience. In recent times, especially in begin of the XXI Century there was a great questioning of concepts and structures that traditionally make up the State especially when it comes to formal representation and construction of public policies. In several, Western countries and some Eastern emerge movements that challenge traditional forms of government and how these people have been represented in social policies, such as Los Indignados and Occupy. It was considered necessary the study of this tension that occurs between the forces acting in society due to the intensification of demonstrations, including Brazil. So the study versa when analyzing the interaction of these forces and their legal struggles, whether in political or legal environment. Historically, the ruling classes were ahead of the economic and social decisions, including using the symbolic violence and ideological creation in order to transform it into general will and the idea of the common good. The creation of hegemonic discourses contributes to the maintenance of the dominant power and a hierarchical structure. In this sense, the production that takes place in the legal field contributes to the perpetuation of certain logic and own speeches this field, featuring the forces that structure and the way we produce. It is in this tense political scenario that will examine the effectiveness of the democratic construction, when the existence of a conflict, the right to freedom of speech is the first to suffer restrictions. / Dissertação (Mestrado)