Current research on account behavior has focused on responses to failure events in which one person is the victim and another is the transgressor. This study builds on this research by using a framing lens to examine account behavior in a conflict situation in which individuals are both actors and recipients of failures. After establishing the relationship between organizational conflict and failure events, the study explored the relationship between account behavior and three aspects of issue development framing: conflict naming, conflict blaming, and intentionality. Employees of nonprofit organizations were asked to read and respond to a vignette-based scenario depicting a conflict between two directors of a nonprofit organization. The research findings indicated that conflict framing was a significant predictor of account strategies. Specifically, the use of mitigating statements was more likely when the event was cast as intentional and the reproacher accepted blame. A clear interaction emerged between gender and conflict naming. In all, this research indicated that more attention should be paid to conflict framing when studying individuals' or corporations' use of account strategies.

This study is an attempt to comprehend how Palestinians and Israelis perceive the conflict and the peace process. It identifies the channels and dynamics related to the shaping of their perceptions on the individual, community, and political levels. The main objectives of this study are to probe the degree of homogeneity between these levels for both Palestinians and Israelis as well as the degree of discord between them on the same levels and to pinpoint intervening factors that contribute to carving out the ultimate perceptions that individuals hold. Unlike previous work, this study employs a multi-method approach to measure and benchmark of the topic at hand. To bridge further gaps, a developed matrix extends the analyses on temporalspatial dimensions of individuals’ cognitions, affections, and behaviors pertaining to the conflict. This study falls within the descriptive research that seeks probing the effect of macro-level factors (the media, and political parties/leaders) on microlevel ones (the audience cognitive processing), and is involved in describing and identifying its elements and components through the collection and analysis of data. Interpretation of data is based on a combination of content analysis for eight major newspapers, two public opinion surveys and a document analysis affiliated to the main four political parties. The analysis of the Palestinians and Israelis’ perspective of the conflict and the peace process revealed that the actual conflict has three main dimensions: First, the struggle between individuals, which is full of self-contradictions, as each party describes a conflict in a way different than the other. It is a conflict, in which the past and present of the two sides of the conflict are different - the bitter past itself with different narratives, yet the motives are the same but conducive to different results. Whereas each party is blaming the other on these three levels, the conflict is rooted in different forms, but intertwined with one another. Both nations differ entirely in prioritizing the core issues of the conflict. For example, the study reveals that for Palestinians the issue of Jerusalem ranks first, followed by the issue of releasing of prisoners. The issue of the refugees ranks third, and paradoxically recognizing Israel as a Jewish state ranks last according to Palestinians. As for the Israelis, the issue of security and safety ranks first, the recognition of the Jewishness of their state ranks second, followed by the issue of Jerusalem that comes in the third place, whereas and at loggerheads with the Palestinians’ aspirations, the establishing of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders ranks last on their part. The same applies to the proposed solutions of the conflict. The future is fuzzy, and everyone sees the most appropriate solutions that fit their own interest, as a part of the zero-sum game. Both peoples yearn for peace, and both peoples are tired and bored of the conflict, but the majority in both sides, however, are not willing to make concessions towards this end and consequently are not optimistic in reaching peace in the near future. Furthermore, each party does not view the political leadership of the other party as a partner for peace. Secondly, a media conflict, where the analysis illustrates a similarity in the issues raised in the Palestinian and Israeli newspapers, but there were distinct statistical differences in the extent of coverage and in the display of those issues and their interpretation between the Israeli and Palestinian media, the matter which is clearly reflects on the individuals’ view on the causes of the conflict, its consequences and solutions. Regarding the third level of the conflict i.e. the conflict between political leaders and parties, a strong statistical relationship has been established between political affiliation to a particular party and the perspective of both, the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, on the most significant issues of the conflict. This is reflected in the homogeneity degree of the priorities of the parties and political leaders in the analysis of documents and media, in the analysis of the content with the order of priorities in the Palestinian and Israeli mindset. The statistical results have particularly shown a strong reciprocal correlation between the angles of this triangle. The relationship boosts wrong inherited notions and beliefs, which necessitates their eradication and adoption of new strategies on the part of political stakeholders. In that case, the media will publish them in a positive way that serves the peace process and bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to an end. Finally, on the basis of the results and conclusions of this dissertation a model was developed that illustrated how these interactions frame realities into new realities that let the peace process sink even more day by day.

The diploma thesis deals with coverage of the Great March of Return event in selected Czech online media (Aktuálně.cz, Echo24, Haló noviny, iDNES, iRozhlas, Lidovky, Novinky.cz). Demonstrations erupted in early March of 2018, with the goal of returning Palestinians to their historical territories of Israel. The theoretical part of this thesis deals with concept of framing and also expands on the often neglected visual framing. It then covers role of war photography in the media, addresses crisis of photojournalism and provides historical and political context of the Great March of Return. The research part uses concept of framing and aims to analyze way in which Czech online media interpreted researched Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For a more comprehensive insight into this issue, thesis deals with both verbal and textual content, which is examined at the same time or compared with each other. For the possibility of testing different perspectives, diploma thesis uses both quantitative and qualitative framing methods.

Research has shown that news media reporting on foreign affairs tend to rely heavily on official sources (e.g. Schwalbe, 2013; Entman, 2004; Lawrence, 2009). This thesis analyse whether this is the case in Swedish news media reporting on the armed conflict in Mali, where Sweden has troops sanctioned by the UN. A more broader perspective is also analysed: How does the news media portray the armed conflict, and are there any differences between national daily newspapers (considered more “sober”) and national evening newspapers (considered more sensational)? An inductive framing analysis is used to identify frames not available in previous research. These frames, together with frames identified in other studies, are then used in a quantitative content analysis to measure to what extent the frames occur in the texts. Among the most important findings were that Swedish news media did in fact rely on Swedish official reporting to a large extent. The two evening newspapers, Aftonbladet and Expressen, used Swedish official sources in approximately 60% of their articles. The daily newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, used Swedish official sources in about 35% of their articles. The main source used was also analyzed: This showed that Swedish official sources were the most common, in between 23% to 62% of the articles. The second most used source differed, but were in the range 9% to 18%. Other important results of the main themes of the articles showed that direct actions of war and other types of violence were the most commonly used. Peace efforts/negotiations and life of Mali civilians were the least common. The thesis also concludes that while there are variables where the evening newspapers and the daily newspapers can be grouped in those categories, that is often not the case.

過去國內電視新聞的相關研究中指出，國內電視新聞報導出現「時段區塊固 定」、「嚴肅新聞比例下降」、「報導內容感官主義化」、「報導形式視覺化」等情況。但僅了解電視新聞的發展趨勢似乎仍不足以了解電視新聞對國人的影響，甚至每日潛移默化的改變。 　　本研究提出有別以往電視新聞研究的新取徑，試圖以新聞框架理論來研究和解釋國內電視新聞的情況，並引用國外電視新聞框架的實證研究，整理出五項已知並已獲得證實的電視新聞框架：「責任框架」、「情感框架」、「衝突框架」、「經濟影響框架」、「道德框架」，以檢視國內電視新聞報導社會運動事件，特別是集會遊行時，這五種新聞框架的呈現和頻道間異同。 　　研究選擇以2008的「８３０嗆馬大遊行」作為觀察對象，經過內容分析後，本研究發現，國內電視新聞確實存在新聞框架，並且因為感官主義的媒體環境趨勢、社會運動團體的視覺訴求、新聞則數分配等原因而使得各新聞框架呈現時的差異。 　　國內電視新聞報導社會運動事件時，最常使用「情感框架」、「責任框架」與「衝突框架」。並且進一步發現發現，國內電視新聞報導社會運動事件時，各頻道間在新聞框架的使用上確實出現差異。 　　政治立場偏藍的電視新聞報導中，比偏綠的新聞台呈現更多「衝突框架」和「經濟影響框架」，其他新聞框架則無太大差異。另外，政治中立的電視台明顯比政治立場偏頗的電視台呈現更多的「衝突框架」；另外，政治偏藍的電視台也比偏綠和中立的電視台運用更多的「經濟影響框架」。 / This study examines how Taiwan television news frames protest news by investigating the prevalence of 5 news frames identified in earlier studies on faming and framing effects: frames of attribution of responsibility, conflict, human interest, economic consequences, and morality. 　This study content analyzed 206 television news stories in the protest against president Ma Ying-jeou’s 100th day in office in August 30th, 2008. The results showed that, overall, the human interest frame was most commonly used in the television news, respectively followed by the attribution of responsibility, conflict, economic consequences, and morality. It also appeared that sensational presentation as popular outlets in Taiwan’s television news. The use of news frames not only was differenced from channels, but also in partisan stances taken by various channels.