Conflict-related sexual violence against men is a largely unrecognized and forgotten perspective in both research and international policies. Reports document that conflict-related sexual violence affects men, yet detailed consideration of the issue remains missing due to the lack of comprehensive research. The existing research is scarce and focuses primarily on the policy perspective or call for increased attention towards recognizing the subject. This study has sought to increase the understanding of the phenomenon through the perspective of mass media. The objective of the study has been to examine how the subject is portrayed by the media, including how male survivors in media describe their own experiences of sexual violence regarding masculine norms and stigma. The study has been conducted as a qualitative desk study by using empirical data from news articles in online newspapers. The study has followed an abductive approach and applied an analytical framework consisting of the two theories Social Stigma and Hegemonic Masculinity. A thematic analysis was used to interpret the empirical data and three main themes were identified. The findings suggest that the subject tends to be portrayed as unusual or as an exceptional phenomenon. The news articles use similar words to describe the subject, such as hidden, silent, ignored, and underreported. The subject is also deeply associated with stigma and masculine norms, both by the survivors and in the articles. The male survivors tend to illustrate how they feel ashamed, humiliated and stigmatized as a result of their experiences. The survivors also reflect upon a sense of loss in their masculine identity and have either avoided speaking about it or been rejected by society due to normative masculine expectations.

Mainstream accounts of CRSV argue that its victims inevitably face social exclusion by their communities once the fighting is over. However, empirical evidence suggests that some ethnic groups show support towards survivors – specifically, women – thus not bounding the latter to the stigma brought about by sexual abuse. This study seeks to investigate the conditions underlying social acceptance of female survivors so to explain why some societies seem to reject them while others reintegrate them back. By employing a socio-psychological perspective on the importance of social identity’s continuity after trauma, I argue that survivors are more likely to experience acceptance when their ethnic group exhibit high levels of identity resilience, previously targeted through the strategic use of CRSV. This is argued to be due to the capacity of the group to maintain a sense of unity and worth after war, which in turn influences perceptions of the victims, no longer seen as “walking shames” but as “survivors”. Using a structured focused comparison, the hypothesis is tested by analysing individual narratives of Bosniaks and Tutsis. Ultimately, this study finds that group identity resilience might be an important factor when accounting for social acceptance, and rejection, of survivors.

This C-thesis focus on conflict-related sexual violence in media coverage before and after#Metoo. The research question of this study is ‘In what way has the media’s portrayal offemale victims of sexual violence in conflicts changed since #Metoo?’. This study furtherargues that due to the great attention of sexual violence, #Metoo and media coverage, theportrayal of women as subjects of conflict-related sexual violence will have changed in recentyears in media reporting. The content analysis finds support for the hypothesis which statesthat there has been less taboo in the reporting of conflict-related sexual violence and a morenuanced reporting in conflict-related sexual violence in recent years. This C-thesis hascontributed to the research field of conflict-related sexual violence since #Metoo is stated tobe an important variable when investigating this type of issue. The theories onconflict-related sexual violence has also been explicitly exhibited to be lacking in having onecohesive theory, which is another contribution of knowledge and a gap which futureresearchers can investigate. The study of conflict-related sexual violence is a subject that cannever be investigated enough, it is therefore vital that researchers keep expanding the field.

Gender provisions have the overarching goal of enhancing gender equality, however few peace agreements include strong gender provisions. The presence of strong gender provisions in ceasefire agreements has crucial implications in the immediate and post-conflict phase in improving women’s situation. I use structured, focused comparison in this study to explore when and how strong gender provisions on violence against women are adopted. I focus on conflicts with a high prevalence of sexual violence and contexts where women mobilize in the conflict to advocate for women’s rights. I demonstrate the relationship between international involvement and strong gender provisions. I argue that in civil wars with a high level of international involvement in support of peace, ceasefire agreements are more likely to include strong gender provisions on violence against women. This is possible through the mechanism of international actors serving as brokers for the women’s movement that is already mobilized to access and influence the peace process. This mechanism is particularly crucial for autocratic countries where women’s mobilization is not sufficient to lead to strong gender provisions. However, the findings are applicable to countries with other regime types.

Why do some rebel groups perpetrate conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) while others do not? A growing body of research has suggested various explanations, but offers no consensus regarding this puzzling question. At the same time, recent studies have recognized how foreign fighters impact rebel groups’ violence against civilians. Yet, to what extent the presence of foreign fighters could also explain rebel-inflicted CRSV remains unexplored. In this study, I argue that rebel groups with foreign fighters are more likely to perpetrate CRSV than rebel groups without foreign fighters, based on two causal mechanisms. Firstly, foreign fighters pose a risk to the internal cohesion of rebel groups, which is why CRSV is initiated as a socialization tool. Secondly, foreign fighters alleviate the rebel groups dependency on the local civilian community, thereby enabling such violence. The results from logistic regressions, based on a sample of 45 rebel groups between 1989 and 2014, indicate that there is indeed covariation between the presence of foreign fighters and CRSV occurrence. The findings contribute to the ongoing scholarly debate trying to explain variations in CRSV, as well as to the emerging field of foreign fighters' effect on violence against civilians. The results also have relevant policy implications for the international efforts in preventing CRSV.

'by product' ern in 1990's, in the fallout of both the Yugoslavian Civil War ternational media, in producing a "norm of change" in regards to sexual violence jurisprudence in the 1990's. In order to do so, this thesis explores the role of the tribunals and

Abstract This research is dedicated to increasing the understanding of the phenomenon of conflict-related violence against men. The topic of conflict-related violence against men has through history been unnoticed, unaddressed, and unrecognized in the field of gender-based violence. Most of the literature, research, and documentation of sexual violence is subsequently more dedicated to women. However, even though there is limited research on the topic there has been an increase in research during the previous years. Moreover, research that does exist on conflict-related sexual violence against men is scarce and missing significant evidence due to underreporting on the issue. The objective of the research is to highlight the consequential gap in research regarding sexually violated men. Doing so by composing a case study on Uganda and analyzing how masculinities, gender norms, gender identity along with others affect sexually violated men, in distinction to the theoretical framework of hegemonic masculinity. Along with analyzing how two substantial organizations, Refugee Law Project, and Men of Hope Refugee Association Uganda, in Uganda, work with male victims of conflict-related sexual violence. This research is composed as a qualitative desk study using abductive reasoning as the analytical framework. The collected data is analyzed through content analysis followed by thematic analysis. The methodological approach and the analytical framework have been chosen to comprehend and achieve an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon of conflict-related sexual violence against men more fully.

Targeted sanctions have become increasingly utilized as conflict management tool to safeguard global peace and security. In recent years, there have been a global push to utilize this tool to specifically address conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Yet, there is a dearth in research on how the imposition of targeted sanctions effect the prevalence of CRSV. This thesis aims to contribute to this alarmingly understudied relationship between targeted sanctions and CRSV by investigating the following research question: what impact do targeted sanctions have on the perpetration of CRSV by rebel groups? Thus, I employ a structured, focused comparison of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda to test a theoretical theory which argues that targeted sanctions may increase the prevalence of CRSV perpetrated by the targeted rebel group. The empirical findings give partial support to both the proposed hypothesis and the theorized ‘selective incentive’ casual mechanism. However, the findings also suggest less effective sanctions may result in the hypothesized increase in wartime sexual violence perpetrated by the targeted actor, while more effective, debilitating sanctions may a decrease alongside other interventions.

Conflict Related Sexual Violence (CRSV) is a persistent and pervasive humanitarian issue, exacerbated by complexities inherent in global conflicts. Recognising the widespread character of CRSV, the need for comprehensive measures to combat it becomes apparent. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where CRSV remains a prevalent element in the conflict, Panzi Hospital stands out for its specialisation in assisting survivors. The hospital has developed a holistic care model known as the Panzi Model, which serves as a guiding framework for their efforts. In an increasingly interconnected world, characterised by blurred borders and interdependence among societies, the importance of knowledge transfer (KT), especially while acknowledging the importance of an intersectional approach, becomes evident. This study aimed to assess stakeholders' perceptions of the transferability of the Panzi Model, with a specific focus on its transfer from the DRC to Ukraine, facilitated by the Mukwege Foundation. Employing a qualitative mixed-methods approach, empirical data was collected through interviews and document analysis. The analysis was guided by a theoretical framework—a process model for KT developed within the scope of this research, integrating intersectionality into all its phases. Key findings reveal optimism regarding the model's adaptability, but significant challenges persist, including cultural barriers and a lack of conscious decision-making processes of KT. While efforts have been made to raise awareness and provide support services in Ukraine, challenges remain, including a disproportionate focus on advocacy efforts, leaving limited space for tangible medical and psychological support efforts––both key components of the Panzi Model. Findings also revealed the complexities of deciding whether to establish one-stop-centres (OSCs) or to work through referral systems. In conclusion, the study suggests that while the philosophy of the Panzi Model can be transferred, its full implementation requires nuanced adaptations. Recommendations include transparent disclosure of adaptations and a focus on underlying principles rather than rigid methods. Additionally, the study advocates for fostering international civil society collaboration and prioritising long-term aid for sustainable development. Overall, successful application of these concepts requires contextual sensitivity and ongoing collaboration among stakeholders.

In 2016, the case of Sepur Zarco in Guatemala marked the first time that a national jurisdiction recognized sexual violence in the context of armed conflict as a crime against humanity. This occurred in a case concerning indigenous women, within a country profoundly marked by gender-based violence and indigenous peoples’ marginalization. In order to account for the lack of reconciliation that has led to the present prevalence of sexist and racial discrimination, this study analyzes it as a transitional justice case. Through an impact evaluation, it interrogates the effectiveness of the legal path for victim-survivors, for rewriting historical narratives, and for promoting reconciliation. The qualitative indicators used include secondary data and interviews conducted with those who worked on the case. Findings suggest that although transitional justice legal cases are often met with backlash, they also empower social movements that promote democracy. The benefits tied to the legal tool, however, are conditional to the use of adequate strategies, which include active victims’ participation and the use of international standards. Moreover, successful cases require a legitimate national legal system that considers its population’s needs.