That leaders are important in Canadian party politics is almost axiomatic: they are the prime electoral resource, the ultimate policy authority and the focus of media attention. Yet little is known of what divides provincial parties when they choose a new master. The politics of provincial leadership conventions lie in uncharted waters. This thesis focuses on provincial parties, exploring support patterns at Maritime leadership conventions. The study draws primarily on data provided by unpublished surveys of delegates to Liberal and Progressive Conservative leadership conventions in the three Maritime provinces. These nine conventions took place between 1971 and 1986 and the delegate survey responses report the behaviour and attitudes of over 3100 party activists. The analysis develops provincial, partisan and secular comparisons. A framework for analysing delegate support patterns is derived from the literature on national conventions and Maritime politics. Application of this framework to the nine conventions reveals a recurring theme. Candidate support is best understood in a 'friends and neighbours' framework. Friends and neighbours refers first, to a non-factional geographic pattern of support. Simply put, delegates tend to support the local candidate, a neighbour. The second element of friends and neighbours support relates to ethno-religious ties. Candidates receive disproportionate support from delegates who are 'friends' in terms of shared religious or ethnic background. Friends and neighbours divisions were more important than attitude, age, gender or differences in social status: they were present throughout the period in each province and both parties. The importance of place and religion/ethnicity provide empirical evidence of Maritime traditionalism. The support patterns would be well understood by 19th century politicians and show no sign of dissipating. Attempts to link these patterns to age or level of education were unsuccessful. Virtually all delegates were influenced by the ties of 'friendship' or 'neighbourhood'. The major exceptions were ex officio delegates. These party professionals acting in a brokerage role were relatively immune from the friends and neighbours pull. By mitigating such divisions, ex officio delegates made substantial contributions to party unity. This thesis reveals a coherent and consistent pattern of intra party divisions in the region. It confirms the strength of traditionalism in the Maritimes and highlights an important manifestation of this traditionalism: ethno religious solidarity undercut by localism and mitigated by brokerage politics. Such findings are in sharp contrast to assertions that Maritime politics is changing. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

<p>This paper examines the ideological content of the compulsory school policy of the Swedish Liberal Party. The aim of the study is to investigate whether the Liberal Party does really represent a liberal policy for the compulsory school, or if it is more accurately described as conservative. The analysis is carried through by two separate critical examinations of the Liberal Party motion on school politics to the parliament and the Conservative Party motion on school politics to the parliament respectively. A comparison is then made between the ideological contents of the two documents. The specific party policies are linked to universal definitions of liberalism and conservatism with the help of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies. Difference is made between ideologically motivated purposes and concrete policy recommendations in the motion texts.</p><p>The results of the ideological content analyses and the comparison show that the compulsory school policy of the Liberal Party can be categorized as conservative, not only vis-à-vis a universal definition of liberalism and conservatism, but also in comparison with the compulsory school policy of the Conservative Party.</p>

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.

Le long processus de revendication de l’autonomie en Écosse était couronné de succès en 1997 avec le rétablissement d’un Parlement local. Aujourd’hui, à quelques années seulement de cet événement majeur, l'actualité s’intéresse déjà à l'organisation d’un référendum sur l’indépendance complète du pays qui se tiendrait prochainement. En politique, une semaine est décidément une longue période, comme l'affirmait l’ancien Premier ministre Harold Wilson. Mais est-ce une raison valable pour oublier le passé ? Qui s'intéresse, par exemple, aujourd’hui à un autre référendum écossais, celui de 1979 ? Celui-ci, en dépit de son échec "programmé" ne mérite pas le mépris des historiens car c’est à partir de ce "désastre" politique que le processus conduisant à 1997 tire sa force. Cette thèse est une analyse minutieuse de l'état d’esprit en Écosse et les facteurs divers et contradictoires incitant l'électorat écossais à l'enthousiasme, au désintérêt et à l'absentéisme lors du référendum de 1979. Elle cherche à comprendre comment une nation dont le sentiment identitaire est si fort n’a pas trouvé de point de ralliement dans un projet politique visant à lui donner plus d'autonomie. Elle analyse comment un gouvernement de gauche a cru nécessaire de proposer un projet de dévolution en opposition avec sa propre philosophie politique et qui l'a conduit à sa perte. Enfin, elle explore comment la "victoire" des opposants à ce projet de dévolution, et tout particulièrement le Parti conservateur britannique, pouvait si mal interpréter le vrai message de l'électorat écossais lors de ce grand rendez-vous manqué. Cette thèse invite les historiens à une meilleure appréciation de la notion de "défaite" en politique et rappelle l'importance parfois très complexe du rôle joué par le passé dans les choix identitaires présents et à venir du peuple écossais. / Scotland’s long road to self-government was crowned with success in 1997 when the parliament was re-established in Edinburgh. Today, within only a few years of this momentous event, political analysts have already turned their attention to a forthcoming referendum on complete independence. As a former Prime minister was once keen to point out “a week is a long time in politics”, but is it a valid reason for ignoring the past? Who today, for instance, is interested in another referendum, that of 1979? Despite its image of "programmed” failure, this historical event does not deserve the contempt it has received from historians for it is precisely from this “disaster” that the processes leading to 1997 can be traced. This thesis is a detailed analysis of the state of mind of the Scottish people and the various and contradictory factors which pushed them towards enthusiasm, disinterest and absenteeism during the referendum of 1979. It seeks to understand how a nation so imbued with the sense of its own identity was unable to support a political project aimed at giving it more control over its own affairs. It analyses how a left-wing government found it necessary to propose a project of devolution of its own powers which was in conflict with its own political philosophy and which ultimately led to its own self-destruction. Finally, it examines how the message sent by the Scottish people at the time of this great “victory” should have been so badly understood by the antis and in particular by the Conservative Party. This thesis invites historians to think more carefully about the notion of “defeat” in political terms and remember the importance and often complex role played by the past, and popular images of the past, in shaping the sense of belonging and identity in the present and determining the future choices of the people of Scotland.

Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Bonn--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 2000. / Bibliogr. p. 316-329. Index.

In Sweden there is scepticism if there really is a difference between the two biggest political parties, the Moderate/Conservative party and the Swedish Social Democrats. The voters feels that the arguments used by both parties are more or less the same and that it does not matter on whom you vote. Hence I am going to compare the parties’ policy programs, developed by the members in each party, by an analysis of ideas to see if the two parties are so similar that they hardly are two different options, or if there is a divergence between the two.   My choosing of the parties’ policy programs comes from a decision to look at the members’ party, they are the authors of the programs, the core. I have to admit I am not unbiased in this work. Since December 2005 I have been active in the Swedish Social Democratic Youth, and later on the Swedish Social Democrats where I had a seat in the municipal council in Kalmar between 2010 and 2014. In February this year I changed party to the Left Party, and now am solely a member. This may affect my presentation of the parties, so read critically, but since my work is not about interpretation but presentation, my political background should have minimal effect on this work.   For over 100 years the Social Democrats more or less had power in Sweden, and the Moderate/Conservative party were in opposition. This changed in 2006, and the bourgeois government got a new mandate to govern in the general election 2010.  Looking at the political subjects of work, economy, welfare, education, the EU, immigration and environment; I found out that the parties often share the same goals, but differ in how to get there. Some core differences could be found, the moderate/conservative party both has lowered taxes as a goal as well as a meaning to get to the goal, and they argue warm heartily about more private corporations in the welfare sector.  The Social Democrats on the other hand argues for investments in the welfare sector (and hence higher taxation) and the rights of the labourers.   This results in a conclusion that when the parties are discussing goals, they are fairly similar. But if you look at the means to reach the goals, they do have their differences and it does matter on which party you vote.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1999. / Bibliography: leaves 77-79.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.

The subject of this thesis is The Conservative Party and its use of political marketing. The text analyzes how the Party responded to three subsequent election defeats in 1997, 2001 and 2005 and to what extent are the Conservatives utilizing political marketing methods and techniques in reaction to the pressure from their more market oriented competitor, the Labour Party. Since the rebranding of the Labour Party under Tony Blair, the Conservatives were struggling to adapt to the new reality. Instead of utilizing political marketing and being more responsive to the wishes of the electorate they diverged their polities more to the right. However, their incumbent leader, David Cameron, is transforming the Party and making it more market oriented. These efforts are critically analyzed.