The main purpose of the work is to analyze the most important aspects of post war development in Great Britain. My attention will be focused primarily on measures taken by the Labour government, which for the first time in history came to power. In second part I will describe the building of the welfare state from the World War II until the end of 80's of the 20th century, when Margaret Thatcher was elected to be the prime minister. In the third part of the work I will analyze her impact on the economic conversion of Great Britain from Keynesianism to Monetarist doctrine of free market forces and responsibility of each individual for his / her fate. The government of Margaret Thatcher has set a new direction, which becomes the inspiration for many other politicians around the world. In the end of the work, I will describe the circumstances which led to the resignation of the first female prime minister in the history of Great Britain.

This essay is an analytical study that examines the ideological features of the New Right, that has governed Britain and the United States after the 2008 financial crisis, regarding globalization. The purpose of the essay is to identify the most prominent similarities and differences in the positions of the New Right on globalization in both countries after 2008. The essay shows that the New Right differs, in Britain and the United States, in its position on globalization. In Britain, successive Conservative governments support globalization with its economic, political, cultural and ecological dimensions, but with conditions. On the other hand, Trump, the only Republican president in the United States after 2008, does not support globalization in any of its dimensions. However, there are similarities between the two doctrines on issues related to the assertion of sovereignty and national identity.

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The focus of this research has been on how the county of Hertfordshire negotiated the economic, social and political changes of the late nineteenth century. A rural county sitting within just twenty miles of the nation’s capital, Hertfordshire experienced agricultural depression and a falling rural population, whilst at the same time seeing the arrival of growing numbers of wealthy, professional people whose economic focus was on London but who sought their own little patch of the rural experience. The question of just what constituted that rural experience was played out in the local newspapers and these give a valuable insight into how the farmers of the county sought to establish their own claim to be at the heart of the rural, in the face of an alternative interpretation which was grounded in urban assumptions of the social value of the countryside as the stable heart of the nation. The widening of the franchise, increased levels of food imports and fears over the depopulation of the villages reduced the influence of farmers in directing the debate over the future of the countryside. This study is unusual in that it builds a comprehensive picture of how agricultural depression was experienced in one farming community, before considering how farmers’ attempts to claim ownership of the ‘special’ place of the rural were unsuccessful economically, socially and politically. Hertfordshire had a long tradition of attracting the newly wealthy looking to own a country estate. Historians have suggested that in the late nineteenth century there was a shift in how such men understood ownership of these estates, showing little enthusiasm for the traditional paternalistic responsibilities; in the face of a declining political and social premium attached to landownership, their interest lay purely in the leisure and sporting opportunities of the rural. However, as this research will show, the newly wealthy were not immune to that wider concern with social stability, and they engaged with their local environment in meaningful ways, using their energies and wealth to fund a range of social improvements. This research extends our understanding of just how the rhetoric of the rural was experienced by the residents of a county which so many saw as incorporating the best of the ‘south country’. In so doing, it makes a significant contribution to our knowledge of how this period of agricultural depression was interpreted by the wider nation, and the impact on social and cultural understanding of the place of the countryside within the national identity.

The old tories were the most enduring group within the British Conservative parliamentary party between the two world wars: by taste, habit and convictions, independents in parliamentary traditions, yet loyal Conservatives in politics. They led the successful Conservative revolt against the coalition with Lloyd-George. In 1930 they tried to overthrow Stanley Baldwin, and opposed his disarmament policy and Imperial policy, especially in India, together with Winston Churchill. They pressed for Imperial consolidation through tariffs and Imperial Preference, wished to rearm Britain early, support France and the 'Stresa Front' to contain Germany, and exclude Russia from Europe. Events led these 'die-hard' perennial rebels to become the chief defenders of Neville Chamberlain's foreign policy as being closest to their own, though unfortunately late. Always independent, they forbade colonial cessions to Hitler, opposed alliance with Russia in 1939, supported total war against nazi Germany, and had an important and ironic part in Chamberlain's fall.

When it comes to the politics of victimhood, existing academic accounts contend that conservative politics and ideology have largely been defined by a backlash against discourses of victimization. In this respect, North American conservatism is seen as embodying an anti-victimist approach – one where progressive claims of victimhood are represented as the result of an impaired character rather than as the result of systemic cultural and legal discrimination. However, while this literature accurately captures many characteristics of conservative ideology, it risks overlooking the ways that conservative proactively engage with the politics of victimhood and victim arguments. This dissertation offers an examination of the discursive significance of the “victim” in contemporary conservative politics and ideology through an analysis of three realms of conservative politics in Canada: (1) the men’s rights movement, (2) the anti-abortion movement, and (3) the Conservative Party of Canada. Drawing on the results of a large-scale critical discourse analysis and the participant observation of over a dozen conservative events in Canada, this dissertation contends that the debate over the politics of victimhood is not a battle between anti-victim conservative and pro-victim progressives. Rather, contemporary Canadian conservatives are increasingly makers of victim politics – rather than its critics – challenging many academic assumptions made about both conservative ideology and discourse in Canada, as well as the larger politics of victimhood in North America.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 797006 bytes, checksum: b8dbe20eea1bbcd327a74023a6568d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research intends to analyze the political writings of Jose de Alencar (1829-1877) with the objective of mapping his forms of thought and his political practice. The first analytical effort focuses on the ideas of the novelist, outlining possible dialogs between Alencar and some thinkers of the political theory (Benjamin Constant, Stuart Mill, Alexis de Tocqueville and John Locke) and verifying to what extent his ideas would find one application limit in the context of the nineteenth-century Brazil. Then it tries to evaluate the praxis of the literate from the Cartas de Erasmo (Letters of Erasmus), considering them as a strategy of political action in the 1860s. It is argued that the political ideas printed on the letters would express a broader set of positions assumed by him along his political career, which would reveal his choice for and his affiliation to the more orthodox conservative political side that of the Saquaremas. Finally, in a confluence between theory and practice, will be highlighted the place of the ideas of José de Alencar. Counterpointing the interpretation according to which the novelist‟s ideas would be out of place, it is argued that they would conform to a specific context of elaboration and would express themselves in a conservative discourse tributary of the Saquaremas‟ model of political direction. / Esta pesquisa pretende analisar os escritos políticos de José de Alencar (1929-1877) com o objetivo de mapear suas formas de pensamento e sua prática política. O primeiro esforço analítico se concentra nas ideias do romancista, esboçando possíveis diálogos entre Alencar e alguns pensadores da teoria política (Benjamin Constant, Stuart Mill, Alexis de Tocqueville e John Locke) e verificando até que ponto suas ideais encontrariam um limite de aplicação no contexto do Brasil do século XIX. Em seguida, procura-se avaliar a práxis do literato a partir das Cartas de Erasmo, considerando-as como estratégia de atuação política nos anos 1860. Defende-se que as concepções políticas impressas nas cartas expressariam um quadro mais amplo de posições assumidas por ele ao longo da sua carreira política, o que revelaria sua escolha e filiação pelo lado político conservador mais ortodoxo o dos Saquaremas. Por fim, numa confluência entre teoria e prática, há de se destacar o lugar das ideias de José de Alencar. Contrapondo a interpretação segundo a qual as ideias do romancista estariam fora do lugar, argumenta-se que elas se conformariam a um contexto específico de elaboração e se expressariam em um discurso conservador tributário do modelo de direção política dos Saquaremas.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Zahluth Bastos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T09:34:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_JoseTadeude_M.pdf: 1625026 bytes, checksum: d720de44f43500e8f0db59b211b2f7a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como meta resgatar alguns aspectos relacionados à gestão da estrutura macroeconômica do Brasil no chamado Segundo Império (1840-1889), principalmente no período compreendido entre os anos de 1853 e 1862, onde se verifica uma grande liderança política dos quadros filiados ao Partido Conservador, que foram capazes de conduzir um movimento de aproximação com membros mais moderados do Partido Liberal, denominado Movimento da Conciliação, como forma de engendrar a formação de governos de coalizão, reduzir o espaço de opinião de dissidências político-partidárias, e garantir a aprovação de projetos favoráveis ao progresso nacional. A política econômica deste período, neste sentido, desenvolveu-se em sua maior parte sob a égide dos conservadores, cujo foco incidia constantemente sobre o equilíbrio orçamentário e pela manutenção da valorização da taxa de câmbio, como forma de evitar o recurso da emissão de moeda para sanear os gastos públicos, em sintonia com os preceitos do sistema do padrão-ouro, modelo internacional de paridade entre moedas adotado pelo Brasil em 1846. Busca-se assim entender melhor este modelo - de natureza conservadora - de gestão da coisa pública, a partir da inserção de natureza periférica da economia brasileira ao padrão ouro-libra, então vigente, e elucidando ainda a vulnerabilidade do sistema monetário brasileiro no século XIX, e os impactos desta conjuntura sobre a ordem social. Por fim, procuramos enfatizar a necessidade de novas reflexões a respeito da gestão dos negócios do Império, levando em consideração a necessidade premente, conforme o pensamento da época, da construção de um Estado-nação / Abstract: This dissertation focuses the management of the Brazilian macroeconomic structures into the period known as Second Empire (1840-1889), specially between 1853 to 1862, where is verified a great political leadership from the members of Conservative Party, whose conducted an approach with the most moderated members of Liberal Party, a movement called Conciliação. This movement aimed to form coalition governments, reduce the expressivity of political dissidents, and approve some favorable projects to the development of the country. The economic policy in this period was conducted by the conservatives, focusing a balanced budget and a valorized exchange rate, avoiding the emission of money (and debt papers) to pay the public expenditures. These acts have a link with the gold standard system, adopted by Brazilian authorities in 1846. Therefore, the dissertation intends to have a better understanding of the conservative model of economic policy in Brazil; focusing, indeed, the marginal condition of its insertion to the gold standard, and also the vulnerability of its monetary system in the 1850 decade, and the impacts from this situation into the social order. At last, the paper emphasizes the relevance of new reflections about the management of the Brazilian empire business in the same time, basing the analysis on an urgent needing to build a new nation, a new state, in the 19th century / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

M.A. (Political Studies) / The Afrikaner had a gradual development as a "value-oriented society" and "siege culture" on the Cape eastern frontier from the eighteenth century onwards. Eventually they developed into a nation with its own features, values and philosophy of life. In times of crisis these values were emphasised and became the centre around which "the nation" was united. The Afrikaner can be seen as a "value-oriented society" and the values were represented by the National Party (NP) as leading political party for a long time. The Afrikaner felt culturally threatened and by 1948 this lead to a "siege culture". The NP took part in the 1948 general election and came into power with "apartheid" as policy or ideology and was therefore a "closed belief system". The split in the NP (and therefore in Afrikaner nationalism) lead to the forming of the Conservative Party (CP) in 1982. The purpose of this dissertation is to show that the CP, similar to the NP, developed from a "value-oriented movement" into a "siege culture segment" and eventually into a "closed belief system". To achieve this goal the following aspects were investigated : Factors which caused the split in the NP, the founding of the CP and its role in South African politics. The emphasis, however, is on the CP's participation and performance in the general election of 1987. In the late seventies and early eighties the governing NP moved away from its ideology of "apartheid" and initiated a process of integration. Through this the NP necessarily deserted a significant part of the Afrikaner nation politically and economically. Given unfavourable economical and political conditions, this segment of the Afrikaner felt threatened by extreme black nationalism, the so-called liberalism of the NP and various external factors. The CP was founded with traditional Afrikaner values such as religion, language and purity of race as basis and developed from a "value-oriented movement" into a "siege culture segment" due to the factors mentioned. The CP presented an ideology of partition for its first participation in a general election (that of 1987). Partition as "closed belief system" became the slogan of the CP in the 1987 general election. Since its foundation, the CP tried to take over the Afrikaner symbols which were originally articulated and represented by the NP. The CP only partially succeeded in this, since the Afrikaner is politically divided between the NP and the CP. The NP and CP both try to secure the overall survival of the Afrikaner by integration and partition respectively. This political disunity among Afrikaners was evident from the results of the 1987 general election.