The aim of this study was to describe, analyze and compare the Left Party’s, the Social Democratic Party’s, the Liberal People’s Party’s and the Moderate Party’s ideas on immigration policy from 1960-2010. In this study the immigration policy program or party program was analyzed through idea analysis to find out what immigration policy interventions they have come with, and if they want to assimilate or integrate immigrants. Materials used for the study are the immigration policy programs and party programs. Even scientific journals and articles have been used, in both national and international level. An analysis instrument, by Carl Dahlström (2004), has been used in this study. In the analysis instrument the author mentions eleven (11) immigration policy interventions (6 integration and 5 assimilation meansures). The study concluded that the parties had different immigration policy interventions (assimilation and integration), but during certain periods of time, a number of parties had an equal number of interventions. Keywords: Immigration policy, integration policy, assimilation policy, party program, immigration policy program.

The purpose of my study is to study Social Democrats immigration policy over the period 1990 and 2013. My material consists of party programs and motions that social democracy has raised in Parliament. As a research method I used McGee´s ideograph theory. I use a cluster analysis inspired by Kenneth Burke to analyze the meaning of those found ideographs. I also present and use Bitzers rhetorical situation in my analyze With help of Burke´s rhetorical situation I could see how the Social Democrats' rhetorical approach to immigration policy in the different periods in society. My investigation of the Social Democratic Party program and motions / propositions revealed the following ideographs: Democracy, solidarity, equality and freedom. keywords that went to associate to the ideographs relating to immigration policy was school, adults, racism, equal rights, democratic freedom. Rhetorical could be interpreted as a way to show that in year 2013 the party stands behind a more solidarity, equality of human beings in society. Groups such as migrants and refugees should not stick out like a social group, but the group should be included in the collective Sweden.

In Sweden there is scepticism if there really is a difference between the two biggest political parties, the Moderate/Conservative party and the Swedish Social Democrats. The voters feels that the arguments used by both parties are more or less the same and that it does not matter on whom you vote. Hence I am going to compare the parties’ policy programs, developed by the members in each party, by an analysis of ideas to see if the two parties are so similar that they hardly are two different options, or if there is a divergence between the two.   My choosing of the parties’ policy programs comes from a decision to look at the members’ party, they are the authors of the programs, the core. I have to admit I am not unbiased in this work. Since December 2005 I have been active in the Swedish Social Democratic Youth, and later on the Swedish Social Democrats where I had a seat in the municipal council in Kalmar between 2010 and 2014. In February this year I changed party to the Left Party, and now am solely a member. This may affect my presentation of the parties, so read critically, but since my work is not about interpretation but presentation, my political background should have minimal effect on this work.   For over 100 years the Social Democrats more or less had power in Sweden, and the Moderate/Conservative party were in opposition. This changed in 2006, and the bourgeois government got a new mandate to govern in the general election 2010.  Looking at the political subjects of work, economy, welfare, education, the EU, immigration and environment; I found out that the parties often share the same goals, but differ in how to get there. Some core differences could be found, the moderate/conservative party both has lowered taxes as a goal as well as a meaning to get to the goal, and they argue warm heartily about more private corporations in the welfare sector.  The Social Democrats on the other hand argues for investments in the welfare sector (and hence higher taxation) and the rights of the labourers.   This results in a conclusion that when the parties are discussing goals, they are fairly similar. But if you look at the means to reach the goals, they do have their differences and it does matter on which party you vote.

This essay examines two communist parties in Sweden; The Communist Party (Kommunistiska partiet [KP]) and Sweden's Communist party (Sveriges kommunistiska parti [SKP]). Furthermore, this essay is a comparative study where the two parties' political agendas are compared. The method with which the study was conducted is a quantitative content analysis, where the frequencies of usage pertaining to certain words and expressions have been measured. The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx has also been compared to these two parties' political agendas concerning words and expressions. This was done in order to determine which of the examined parties stands closer to the aforementioned original document from an ideological perspective. The result reveals which differences that were detected.

The Sweden Democrats has become the third largest party in Sweden after the parliamentary elections in 2014. Ever since the party was founded in 1988, debates regarding the party’s policy has been of great interests but also the party’s ideological affiliation whether to classify it as a populist radical right party or not. Furthermore, many scientists have arrived at the conclusion that the Sweden Democrats should be seen as a populist radical right party. This conclusion makes it interesting to further investigate what ideological affilitation the party should identify itself with since the party itself argues to be a social conservative party with a nationalist ethos. With this in mind, the purpose of this study is to examine if the party has populist radical right fundamentals in its recent policy program through the use of the method idea analysis and through the use of creating an ideal type of the theory populist radical right. In addition, it has thus been possible to confirm or to deny the Sweden Democrats as a populist radical right party. The result of this thesis has shown that the policy program does consist of populist radical right elements. Hence, it has been concluded that the Sweden Democrats should be categorized as a populist radical right party.

This study aims to provide answers to whether the politics of the Swedish Democrats contains elements of xenophobia. The Swedish Democrats have become a major political party in Sweden. Today they are the Swedish parliament's third largest political party. Due to an ambition to grow as a party even more, the Swedish Democrats have a stated ambition of zero tolerance against racists. Nevertheless, the party has continued to build its policy on an immigration-critical agenda. Other parliamentary parties have so far not wanted to cooperate with the Swedish Democrats with reference to the party's xenophobic policy. However, if the Swedish Democrats continue to grow in size as a party, it will become increasingly difficult for other parties to continue ignoring the party's influence in the Swedish parliament. The study has consisted of rhetorical analysis of the Swedish Democrats party platforms from the party's formation until today. This analysis shows that the image the party gives of itself in the party platform has not changed significantly since the party was formed. However, the latest party platform of the Swedish Democrats includes more features of xenophobia than their first party program did. The policy of the Sweden Democrats thus still contains xenophobic elements.

Orientador: Jefferson Rodrigues Barbosa / Resumo: A pesquisa em comento possui o objetivo principal de analisar os desafios relativos à prática docente no tocante ao ensino da Sociologia no Ensino Médio, considerando o atual contexto político, social e econômico de insofismável ofensiva liberal conservadora no Brasil. Visou-se, igualmente, com o trabalho, analisar os fundamentos conceituais de gênero, identificar e demarcar as violações de preceitos legais constituintes do Estado Democrático de Direito por meio da análise dos projetos de lei, que pretendem instituir o Programa Escola sem Partido e retirar qualquer discussão à respeito de gênero nas escolas, sob a alegação de fomentar a ‘ideologia de gênero’. Neste sentido, finalmente, a pesquisa propôs uma reflexão sobre a aula como práxis educativa, como ferramenta política e educacional de enfrentamento do supradito discurso e de defesa do caráter científico da sociologia. A proposição teórico-metodológica alternativa para efetivar esta reflexão se pautou na “Metodologia de Mediação Dialética – M.M.D”, desenvolvida pela professora e pesquisadora Maria Eliza Brefere Arnoni. Para tanto, selecionou-se o conteúdo disposto no segundo bimestre do terceiro ano do ensino médio, do Currículo do Estado de São Paulo, qual seja: os movimentos sociais, estabelecendo um recorte das aulas que propõem sobre a importância do movimento feminista na construção de uma sociedade humanamente emancipada. / Abstract: The research object of this commentary has as main objective to analyze the challenges concerning the teaching practice regarding the teaching of Sociology in the High School, considering the current political, social and economic context of unquestionable conservative liberal offensive in Brazil. It is also intended, with the work, to identify and demarcate violations of constitutional legal precepts of the Democratic State of Law through the bills, which seek to institute the School without Party Program and eliminate any discussion of gender in schools, under the claim to promote "gender ideology." In this sense, finally, the research proposes a reflection on the class as educational praxis, as a political and educational instrument to confront the above-mentioned discourse and defense of the scientific character of sociology. The theoretical-methodological proposal to carry out this reflection will be based on the "Dialectic Mediation Methodology - M.M.D", developed by Professor and researcher María Eliza Brefere Arnoni. For that, the content provided in the second two-month period of the third year of the secondary school was chosen, from the State Curriculum of São Paulo, namely: the social movements, establishing a selection of the classes they propose on the importance of the feminist movement in the construction of a humanly emancipated society. / Resumen: La pesquisa objeto de este comentario posee como objetivo principal analizar los desafíos concernientes a la práctica docente en lo tocante a la enseñanza de Sociología en la Escuela Secundaria, considerando el actual contexto político, social y económico de incuestionable ofensiva liberal conservadora en Brasil. Se pretende, igualmente, con el trabajo, identificar y demarcar las violaciones de preceptos legales constituyentes del Estado Democrático de Derecho por medio de los proyectos de ley, que buscan instituir el Programa Escuela sin Partido y eliminar cualquier discusión sobre género en las escuelas, bajo la alegación de promover la “ideología de género”. En este sentido, finalmente, la pesquisa propone una reflexión sobre la clase como praxis educativa, como instrumento político y educacional de enfrentamiento del sobredicho discurso y defensa del carácter científico de la sociología. La propuesta teórico-metodológica para efectuar esta reflexión se basará en la “Metodología de Mediación Dialéctica – M.M.D”, desarrollada por la profesora e investigadora María Eliza Brefere Arnoni. Para eso, se eligió el contenido proporcionado en el segundo bimestre del tercer año de la escuela secundaria, del Currículum del Estado de São Paulo, a saber: los movimientos sociales, estableciendo una selección de las clases que proponen sobre la importancia del movimiento feminista en la construcción de una sociedad humanamente emancipada. / Mestre

After the Christian democratic CDU party was forced into the opposition after the parliamentary elections of 1969 it created a program commission which should update the party's Berlin Program adopted few months earlier. Surprisingly it drafted a wholly new party manifesto challenging crucial dogmas of party's policies which led to stormy discussions. This thesis argues that this development was a consequence of generation change in the party which was accelerated by the loss of government as well as a result of the influence of the chairman of the program commission, Helmut Kohl. Kohl was a leading figure of the young rising generation in the party and a strong proponent of party reform. He created conditions in the commission for creation of a progressive proposal by giving influence to talented young reform oriented politicians. But the conservatives in the party were still strong enough to fight back and moderate the reform impetus of the draft. Party committee redrafted it and weakened some central progressive statements. Only the undisputable loss in the elections of 1972 and following election of Helmut Kohl to party chairman made the way free for a thru party reform. Many of the young politicians allied with Kohl during the program discussion in early 1970s became key figures in the CDU....

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka innehållet i Sverigedemokraternas principprogram för att skapa en förståelse för inslag av radikal högerpopulism i partiets politiska ideologi, så som den kommer till uttryck i dessa texter. Forskningsfrågans relevans grundar sig i den splittring som identifierats bland forskare som sysslar med Sverigedemokraternas politiska ideologi och hur den bör definieras. Trots att Sverigedemokraterna är Sveriges näst största parti, vilket medför ett stort politiskt inflytande, finns alltså en osäkerhet bland forskare om partiets ideologi och intentioner. Det är vanligt förekommande att Sverigedemokraterna beskrivs baserat på deras ställningstagande i enskilda politiska frågor, exempelvis frågor om invandring, men i den här uppsatsen presenteras en analys av Sverigedemokraternas beskrivningar av Sverige, världen och politik i allmänhet. Mitt syfte ska besvaras genom en riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Det material som analyseras är Sverigedemokraternas partiprogram/principprogram från åren 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 och 2019. I analysen utgår jag från ett teoretiskt ramverk baserat på Jens Rydgrens beskrivningar av radikal högerpopulism. En idealtyp för radikal högerpopulism formuleras med syftet att förenkla och förtydliga ideologins olika grundbultar. Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraternas principprogram innehåller radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser under alla år, men det identifieras också skillnader som indikerar att principprogrammens primära fokus varierar under åren. Partiets invandringspolitiska ståndpunkter är centrala delar som går i linje med ideologin i samtliga program, där en intolerans inför olikheter och stark etnopluralistisk nationalism identifierats. De radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser som identifieras förekommer i en sådan utsträckning, även 2019, att studiens resultat kan tolkas som stöd till påståenden om att radikal högerpopulism kan användas för att beskriva Sverigedemokraternas ideologi. / The purpose of this study is to examine the content of the Sweden Democrats' party program in order to create an understanding of potential elements of radical right-wing populism in the party's ideology, as expressed in these texts. The relevance of the research question is based on the division identified among researchers of the Sweden Democrats' political ideology and how it should be defined. Even though the Sweden Democrats are Sweden's second largest party, which entails a large political influence, there is still a great deal of uncertainty among the public as well as experts about the party's ideology and intentions. It is common for the Sweden Democrats to be described based on their stance on individual political issues, for example issues of immigration, but this essay presents an analysis of the Sweden Democrats' descriptions of Sweden, the world and politics in general. My purpose is to be answered through a targeted qualitative content analysis. The material that is analyzed is the Sweden Democrats' party programs from the years 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 and 2019. In the analysis, I use a theoretical framework based on Jens Rydgren's descriptions of radical right-wing populism. An ideal type for radical right-wing populism is formulated with the aim of simplifying and clarifying the core of the ideology. The results show that the Sweden Democrats' party programs contain radical right-wing populist tendencies between the years 1996-2019, but differences are also identified which indicate that the primary focus in the party programs vary over the years. The party’s immigration policies align particularly well with the ideology in all programs, where an intolerance towards differences and a strong ethnopluralist nationalism have been identified. The radical right-wing populist tendencies that are identified occur to such an extent, even in 2019, that the study's results can be interpreted as support for claims that radical right-wing populism can be used to describe the ideology of the Sweden Democrats.