The numerous and varied conspiracy theories which circulate in the contemporary discourse are subject to hyperstition, insofar as they are grouped into wider, more elaborate structures. Some of them become hierarchic to such a degree, that they may, in Michael Barkun's typology, be labeled as "superconspiracy" constructs. No author is more prolific and systematic in the crafting of these constructs than the guru of anglophone conspiracy theory belief, David Icke. The work attempts to keep as its object of study the work of David Icke and his "reptoid hypothesis," as it is effectively one of the most elaborate and baroque conspiracy theories which populate contemporary political discourse. It is Icke's oeuvre which this thesis attempts to recontextualize within the confines of critical social theory and Žižekian psychoanalysis. The existence of a "paranoid style" as professed by Richard J. Hofstadter can be noted throughout the history of western culture, from the Homeric gods, scheming behind the scenes, to its modern incarnations culminating in the superconspiracy constructs of David Icke, Alex Jones, and others. The work focuses not on specific conspiracy theories and their claim to facticity, but rather attempts to trace the structural features of Icke's construct and establish their underlying...

This paper deals with the anti-Semitic pamphlet The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which is placed in the historical context of its origin, considering political and social causes behind the formulation of many previous conspiracy theories and anti-Jewish narratives and their motifs, which are eventually reflected in The Protocols. This complex conspiracy narrative is then subjected to structural analysis, which seeks to identify dominant themes structured into binary oppositions, through which it aims to capture a potential "meaning" or significance of the narrative that was relevant to readers of its time but also addresses contemporary conspiracy theorists. Finally, the work attempts to outline one of the root causes that makes Jews ideal adepts for a major role as conspirators in conspiracy narratives, that lies in their extraordinary, liminal state, defined by their relationship to the majority, in this case, Christian society.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of the study is to identify and analyse conspiracy narratives as popular counter-knowledge and as alternatives to leftist discourse and explanations of the contradictions of a capitalist system in a systemic crisis. The study makes a distinction between pathological and cultural approaches to conspiracy theories. While pathological approaches critically assess conspiracy theories as expressions of a certain political paranoia, cultural approaches are more inclusive and view conspiracy theory as cultural expressions of the postmodern condition. The cultural understandings break the categorical link between conspiracy theories and irrationality and allows a further discussion on how conspiracy theories might relate to leftist discourse and its attempts to counter neoliberal hegemonic structures. The approach taken by the study relies on the theoretical framework of historical materialism. Key theories used derive from Karl Marx, along with Gramscian, World Systems theory and critical approaches to global political economy. In the historical analysis that was performed, the understanding of structures in the historical development of the world economy, as well as the role of social forces which lead to changes in these structures were shown to be better approaches for understanding both historical events and the current crisis in the capitalist system. However, even within the opportune movement of an on-going capitalist crisis, the Left struggles to create a consistent counter-hegemonic narrative, and current counter-hegemonic movements, whilst being influential, are not succeeding in being transformative This suggests that leftist discourse fails to address the micro-level manifestations of the contradictions of the current system in a way that appeals to the masses. Accordingly, conspiracy theories as frameworks from which to critique the current global political economy are discussed. It is argued that although conspiracy theories are essentially reactionary, as well as historically a product of the far right, these theories might be understood as allegorical narrative constructs that serve as tools of orientation in a confusing political reality and, as such, the label of irrationality should not be applied without further consideration. It is further suggested that there is a proximity between various critical perspectives and conspiracy theories, although it is not implied that there is an exchange of ideas. It is argued that strands of critical theory and conspiracy theory share certain convictions about how the social world is constructed. While leftist/critical discourse relies on a scientific historical analysis, conspiracy discourses are often categorised lacking in scientific support. Critical theoretical perspectives are therefore suggested as the most effective remedy against utopian and simplistic narratives. While the thesis does not challenge the appropriateness of Marxist/critical perspectives at explaining economic crisis and global inequity, it aims at discussing the popularity of conspiracy theories as, for many, preferable tools of orientation in the present times. While political scientific theories and conspiracy theories are generally understood as in essence incompatible, this thesis attempted to discuss and analyse whether this established view could be challenged in light of recent scholarship on conspiracy culture. The study concludes that Marxist/critical approaches should understand conspiracy theories as alternative counter-knowledge and as popular doorways into major social issues that define global political culture, which could actually complement traditional leftist discourse. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie is om sameswerings-verhale as populêre teen-kennis en as alternatiewe vir linkse diskoers en verklarings van die teenstrydighede van ’n kapitalistiese stelsel wat ’n sistemiese krisies beleef, te identifiseer en te analiseer. Die studie onderskei tussen patalogiese en kulturele benaderings tot samesweringsteorieë. Patologiese benaderinge raam samesweringsteorieë krities as uitdrukkings van bepaalde politieke paranoia, terwyl kulturele benaderinge meer inklusief is, samesweringsteorie beskou as ’n kulturele uitdrukking van die postmoderne toestand. Die kulturele begrip breek die kategoriese skakel tussen samesweringsteorieë en irrasionaliteit en fasiliteer nog ’n gesprek oor hoe hierdie teorieë moontlik verwant sou kon wees aan linkse diskoers, asook laasgenoemde se pogings om neoliberale hegemoniese strukture teen te staan. Die benadering wat gevolg word in die studie steun op die teoretiese raamwerk van historiese materialisme. Die vernaamste vertrekpunte wat gebruik word is afgelei van Karl Marx, tesame met Gramsciaanse, Wêreldstelsel-teorie en kritiese benaderings tot globale politieke ekonomie. In die historiese analiese wat onderneem is, word gedemonstreer dat ’n begrip van strukture in die historiese ontwikkeling van die wêreld-ekonomie, asook die rol van sosiale magte wat verandering in hierdie strukture meebring, beter verklarings bied vir beide historiese gebeure en die teenswoordige krisies in die kapitalistiese stelsel. Nietemin, selfs met die geleenthede wat geskep word te midde van die aangaande kapitalistiese krisies, sukkel Linksgesindes om ’n konsekwente teen-hegemoniese “verhaal” te skep. Kontemporêre teen-hegemoniese bewegings, ongeag hul skynbare invloed, slaag nie daarin om verandering te weeg te bring nie. Dit wil voorkom asof linkse diskoers nie daarin slaag om die manifistering van die teenswoordige stelsel se teenstrydighede aan te spreek op ’n wyse wat aanklank vind by die massas nie. Dienooreenkomstig word samesweringsteorieë bespreek as raamwerke vanwaar en waaruit die huidige globale politieke ekonomie gekritiseer kan word. Die argument word aangevoer dat, alhoewel hierdie teorieë essensieel reaksionêr is, asook histories gesien ’n verregse produk, hulle moontlik verstaan kan word as allegoriese verhaal konstrukte wat dien as middele vir orientasie in ’n verwarrende politieke werklikheid. As sulks, behoort die etiket van irrasionaliteit nie sondermeer en onkrities aan hulle toegedien te word nie. Verder, word daar in die studie voorgestel, dat daar raakpunte is tussen verskeie kritiese perspektiewe en samesweringsteorieë. Daar word egter nie gesuggereer dat daar ’n uitruil van idees is nie. Daar word egter wel ge-argumenteer dat daar elemente van kritiese teorieë en samesweringsteorieë is wat bepaalde oortuiginge deel oor hoe die sosiale werklikheid gevorm word. Terwyl linkse en kritiese diskoers gekoppel is aan wetenskaplike-historiese analise, word samesweringsdiskoerse gekategoriseer as verklarings wat gebrek lei aan wetenskaplike ondersteuning. Kritiese teoretiese perspektiewe word dus voorgehou as die mees effektiewe oplossing teen utopieseen simplistiese narratiewe. Terwyl die tesis nie die toepasbaarheid van Marxistiese/Kritiese perspektiewe, as verklarings vir die ekonomiese krisies en globale ongelykheid, uitdaag nie, het dit gepoog om die populariteit van samesweringsteorieë, as voorkeur raamwerke vir orientering in teenswoordige tye, aan te spreek. Die tesis het onderneem om vas te stel en te analiseer of die algemeen aanvaarde aanname dat politiek wetenskaplike teorieë en samesweringsteorieë essensieel onversoenbaar is, uitgedaag kan word, gesien in die lig van onlangse akademiese werk oor samesweringskultuur. Die studie bevind dat Marxistiese/kritiese benaderings samesweringsteorieë behoort te verstaan as alternatiewe teen-kennis en as populêre ingangspunte tot belangrike sosiale kwessies wat die globale politieke kultuur definieer. In die sin, sou samesweringsteorieë selfs tradisionele linkse diskoers kon aanvul.

Trata-se de uma leitura do livro O trabalho da obra Maquiavel (1972), opus magnum de Claude Lefort (1924-2010). Com base na distinção lefortiana entre discurso manifesto e palavra latente da obra de pensamento, concebemos nosso texto a partir de uma divisão tripla. Inicialmente, com o objetivo de localizar o leitor ciceroneando-o pelos mesmos caminhos que levaram Lefort a Maquiavel , perguntamos: se à obra do secretário florentino dedica-se o discurso manifesto do filósofo francês, como este objeto se inseriria na problemática de seu hic et nunc, temática latente que o motivou a levar a cabo o seu mais longo estudo? Em seguida, apresentaremos nossa interpretação do Maquiavel de Lefort, na qual veremos emergir ao primeiro plano a personagem do conspirador, trazendo à cena consigo a proposição da inevitabilidade da impostura do poder e a defesa da imprescindibilidade e da legitimidade do ato ilegal empreendido contra a legalidade ilegítima. Por fim, é à crítica ao idealismo democrático que somos conduzidos ao nos depararmos com o saldo de nossa leitura e, diante dele, questionarmo-nos: de que modo o Maquiavel de Lefort conteúdo manifesto deste trabalho pode nos ajudar a pensar o nosso próprio tempo, a sustentar os nossos desejos de saber e de agir, a nos engajarmos aqui e agora no enigma de uma paixão realista, palavra latente de todo e qualquer escrito que aceite o desafio do político? / This is a reading of the book Machiavelli in the making (1972), the magnum opus of Claude Lefort (1924-2010). Based on the Lefortian distinction between the manifest discourse and the latent word in the work of thought, the text is in three parts. Initially, with the aim of locating the reader by guiding him along the same paths that led Lefort to Machiavelli we ask: if the manifest discourse of the French philosopher is dedicated to the work of the Florentine Secretary, what is the place of this object in the problematic of his hic et nunc, the latent thematic that led him to undertake his longest study? Next, we present our interpretation of Leforts Machiavelli, in which we will see the conspirator\'s character emerge to the foreground, bringing with him the proposition of the inevitability of the imposture of power and the defense of the indispensability and legitimacy of the illegal act employed against illegitimate legality. Finally, we are led to a critique of democratic idealism as we are confronted with the results of our reading and, faced with this, we ask ourselves: how can Leforts Machiavelli the manifest object of this work help us to think about our own time, to sustain our desires to know and act, to engage ourselves here and now in the enigma of a realistic passion, the latent word of each and every text that accepts the challenge of the political?

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-12-09T11:42:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Renatta Christina de Oliveira Elias.pdf: 1950640 bytes, checksum: a1666f55df9ed53b6228140c7d17ac1a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-09T11:42:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renatta Christina de Oliveira Elias.pdf: 1950640 bytes, checksum: a1666f55df9ed53b6228140c7d17ac1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-14 / The present Dissertation has the object of study the Penal Process moved against Tomás Antônio Gonzaga. He was the respected General Ouvidor of Vila Rica since 1782. Accused of being the leader of the Minas Gerais Conspiracy in 1789 by Silvério dos Reis, Gonzaga was arrested and led to the Prison of the Ilha das Cobras. There he was maintained incommunicable in the jails during the whole course of the Judicial Inquiry of the Minas Gerais Conspiracy. We search to show that during whole the Penal Process, Gonzaga denyed any participation in the plans of the Conjurados. It was not found any writing proof to incriminate him, and the depositions of the other Inconfidentes, in the majority, declared to be Gonzaga innocent. The Judge Gonzaga, without consistent proofs of his participation in the Conspiracy, was condemned in 1792 to the exile for the Island of Moçambique for 10 years. There he stayed until the year he came to die: 1810. The present Dissertation, yet, tries to discuss the relationships of power that settled down in that period and the politics of domain imposed to the Colonial Brazil. / A presente Dissertação tem como objeto de estudo o Processo Penal movido contra Tomás Antônio Gonzaga, que foi o respeitado Ouvidor Geral de Vila Rica desde 1782. Acusado de ser o líder da Conjuração Mineira em 1789 por Silvério dos Reis, o Desembargador Gonzaga foi preso e conduzido à Fortaleza da Ilha das Cobras. Lá foi mantido incomunicável nos cárceres durante todo o andamento dos Autos de Devassa da Inconfidência Mineira. Procuramos demonstrar que durante todo o Processo Penal, Gonzaga negou qualquer participação nos planos dos Conjurados. Não foi encontrada nenhuma prova escrita que o incriminasse, e os depoimentos dos demais réus Inconfidentes, em sua maioria, declararam ser Gonzaga inocente. O Desembargador Gonzaga, sem provas consistentes de sua participação na Conjuração, foi condenado em 1792 ao degredo para a Ilha de Moçambique por 10 anos. E lá permaneceu até o ano em que veio a falecer: 1810. A presente Dissertação procura, ainda, discutir as relações de poder que se estabeleciam naquele período e a política de domínio imposta ao Brasil Colonial.

No description available.

This thesis takes a fresh look at the legal practices observed at the Sŏnch’ŏn trial, the main trial of the Korean Conspiracy Case. On 28 June 1912, 132 suspects were brought forth on charges of alleged assassination of the first Governor-General of colonial Korea, Masatake Terauchi. It is argued that if the immediate local interests of the new administration invariably affected the entire case, what determined the nature of the suspects’ treatment before and during the trial was a set of formal and informal legal practices that were transported to the colony amidst legal reforms. By analysis the trial from an empire-wide perspective, this study looks at how specific legal practices from the metropole were exacerbated in Korea through legal loopholes and the agency of legal actors and how such informal and disavowed legal practices both defined the legal system of the colony and helped sustain the Japanese colonial venture.

This thesis takes a fresh look at the legal practices observed at the Sŏnch’ŏn trial, the main trial of the Korean Conspiracy Case. On 28 June 1912, 132 suspects were brought forth on charges of alleged assassination of the first Governor-General of colonial Korea, Masatake Terauchi. It is argued that if the immediate local interests of the new administration invariably affected the entire case, what determined the nature of the suspects’ treatment before and during the trial was a set of formal and informal legal practices that were transported to the colony amidst legal reforms. By analysis the trial from an empire-wide perspective, this study looks at how specific legal practices from the metropole were exacerbated in Korea through legal loopholes and the agency of legal actors and how such informal and disavowed legal practices both defined the legal system of the colony and helped sustain the Japanese colonial venture.

Thesis (M.A.)--McGill University, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references.