Diplomová práce Analýza španělského modelu asymetrického regionalismu ~ 1 ~ Summary The masterʼs degree thesis "Spanish Model of Asymmetric Regionalism: An Analysis" deals with the concept of political-administrative division of a state, which has been typical of the Kingdom of Spain. The masterʼs degree thesis aims to profoundly analyze all the substantial aspects of this unique type of inner arrangement of a state, namely in broader (above all in legal, in historical and in political) relations. When elaborating on the topic I drew on Czech and English monographic literature (this applies both to the theoretical and to the historical part of the thesis) and on topical wordings of Spanish legal regulations; I also made use of various sources, as e.g. of professional articles online, of relevant judicial decisions, or of notes I made in Spain at lectures on Spanish constitutional law. The thesis consists of three chapters which are further divided into subchapters. In the initial theoretical chapter attention is paid to the typology of states according to their inner arrangement. The concepts such as confederation, federation, unitary state or regional state are explained here. The second chapter provides the overview of historical development of Spain (or, more exactly, of Iberian Peninsula) from the first...

Over the last fifty years, California has become one of the largest jailers in the world, incarcerating nearly 128,000 men and women on a $10.5 billion budget. The prison population has rapidly risen over this period, resulting in overly crowded, chaotic prisons and jails that became increasingly difficult to manage. As correctional officers and officials lost control over the prison social order, inmates looked to themselves and created a new set of social norms through race-based gangs. What began with the formation of the Mexican Mafia in 1957 now dictates prison social life, where racially segregated cells, cafeterias, yards, and gyms are the new norm. In an attempt to manage this new social structure, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation unofficially employed the use of racial segregation during the intake process for prison housing. The practice was challenged and eventually overruled in the 2005 Supreme Court decision Johnson v. California, but the State continues to struggle with compliance on multiple fronts. This thesis examines the history and development of race-based gangs in California in an attempt to understand how to manage the racially segregated world of prisons today. It finds that tensions between the courts, the State, and the inmates are ultimately perpetuated by the continuance of racially segregation policies, and it will ultimately take the political will of Department officials to eliminate race-based gangs and enact cultural change.

Conflicts of Legitimacies within the European Union - abstract In the beginning of first part, the thesis focuses on the very concept of legitimacy. The point of reference is rather a sociological conception of legitimacy. Then, the critical overview of theoretical contributions to the topic of EU's legitimacy deficit is provided. On this analytical background it is held that the democratic legitimacy is indispensable for the Union and that there is a necessity of its creating even on union-wide (transnational) level. Subsequently, in the second part dealing with particular modalities of legitimacy within the EU, the thesis makes use of the conteporary democratic theory focusing on the concept and functioning of democratic representation. The framework for the second part is a spatio-mechanical metaphor of four modalities ("vectors") of legitimacy (legitimation) formulated previously in the literature. It consists of indirect legitimacy, parliamentary legitimacy, technocratic legitimacy and procedural legitimacy. Changes in their balance after the Lisbon Treaty are discussed. The chapter on indirect legitimacy focuses on theoretical questions and then looks into the institutional and legislative development. It also provides an analysis of the relevant case-law of the Federal Constitutional Court of the...

Thesis (LL.M.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Law, 1998. / This thesis explores the democratic legitimacy of the power of judicial review. It discounts the countermajoritarian dilemma on the basis that constitutional democracy means more than majoritarianism, it entails judicial protection of other characteristics fundamental to democracy from invasion even by a majority government. Such characteristics include political processes and values which ensure the continuation of democratic rule. The Court may, however, be criticised if it exercises its power of judicial review in a manner which is undemocratic. I argue that the Court is obliged to exercise its power in a manner which respects the doctrine of separation of powers. In interpreting the Constitution, the Court is therefore obliged to show deference to Parliament by giving effect to the purpose of a constitutional provision. I conclude that the Court may only have recourse to the values which the legislature chose to include in the Constitution, except when the Court protects those political processes and values which ensure the survival of constitutional democracy.

En 1945, la période de la Libération devait également être un moment de rénovation pour le droit constitutionnel. Au moment même où la France se dotait d’une nouvelle Constitution, une nouvelle génération de constitutionnalistes accède au devant de la scène. A la génération des « disciples », qui elle-même avait succédé à la génération des fondateurs, succède celle que Marcel Prélot avait baptisée la « troisième génération de constitutionnalistes » et qui devait être la génération des « novateurs ». La rénovation du droit constitutionnel s’avéra toutefois un programme difficile à mettre en œuvre. La IVe République, malgré l’adoption d’une Constitution nouvelle, est rapidement revenue aux pratiques et usages de la IIIe République antérieure, décevant ainsi les espoirs de la doctrine constitutionnelle et les tentatives de façonner un droit constitutionnel propre au nouveau régime. Constatant l’échec du droit constitutionnel à encadrer la vie parlementaire, les constitutionnalistes ont alors délaissé le terrain de la technique constitutionnelle et se sont tournés vers la science politique afin de refonder leur discipline. Si cette voie politiste a permis à la « jeune école de droit public » d’aborder des champs de recherches nouveaux, tels que les partis politiques ou l’histoire des idées politiques, elle l’a toutefois détournée du terrain de la technique constitutionnelle sur lequel allait finalement se jouer la révision constitutionnelle de 1958, qui a consacré la Constitution de la Ve République. / In 1945, the Liberation era was supposed to be a time when constitutional law would be renovated. At the very moment where France was adopting a new Constitution, a new generation of constitutional law Professors emerged. From the « disciple » generation which succeeded to « the founders » generation itself, the « Third generation of constitutional law Professors », as Marcel Prélot named them, emerged. It was meant to be the « creative » generation. But renewing constitutional law was not an easy task. Notwithstanding the adoption of a new Constitution, the IVth Republic rapidly came back to the uses and habits of the IIIrd Republic. It therefore disappointed the hopes of the constitutional legal doctrine and its attempts to reshape a specific constitutional law suiting the new regime. Taking note of the failure of constitutional law to frame the parliamentary daily life, constitutional law Professors reoriented their efforts to renew their academic discipline in a way that would get closer to political sciences. This new orientation allowed the « Third generation » to tackle new fields of research, such as political parties or the history of political ideas, but diverted them from a more technical approach. However, it was on the latter that the constitutional revision of 1958 that set out the Constitution of the Vth Republic settled.

Pas de résumé / No abstract

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karoline Claudino Nery Dantas Falcone.pdf: 582219 bytes, checksum: d3812c0bd259443e77b33199b3e9753d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-05 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This paper aims to investigate issues related to urban and environmental sustainability. The research relates to constitutional law once sustainability is directly linked to the right to a dignified life. Law theories were emphasized in order to give consistent support for the work. Since there is an existence of controversy in the science of law regarding the role of urban environmental sustainability, the research justifies itself. Sustainability is as a fundamental constitutional law, it is the foundation of the right to life itself. It is also understood as an immutable clause once it preserves the main fundamental right: the right to dignified life. It is well known that the city s Master Plan plays a fundamental role in promoting sustainability issues. The research dealt with prevention and precaution instruments for sustainability development as well as investigate the role of the prosecutor as an inspection agent. Thus, basic sanitation is dealt with and acknowledged as an empirical problem finding in the area of urban and environmental sustainability of cities. This is a fundamental constitutional right, worthy of implementation and scaling / O presente trabalho objetiva investigar a sustentabilidade urbanísticoambiental. Trata-se de um trabalho também de direito constitucional, pois a sustentabilidade está diretamente ligada ao direito à vida digna. Trabalha-se com teoria do direito, com a finalidade de dar suporte consistente ao trabalho. A escolha do tema justifica-se em virtude da controvérsia existente na ciência do direito a respeito do papel da sustentabilidade urbanístico ambiental. Articula-se a sustentabilidade, como um direito constitucional fundamental. A sustentabilidade é fundamento do próprio direito à vida. Trata-se de cláusula pétrea, pois preserva o principal direito fundamental: o direito à vida digna. O plano diretor tem papel fundamental na efetivação da sustentabilidade das cidades. Estuda-se instrumentos de prevenção e precaução para o desenvolvimento da sustentabilidade, bem como o papel do Ministério Público, como agente fiscalizador. Articula-se ainda com a matéria saneamento básico, como instrumento empírico de constatação de problemas, na área da sustentabilidade urbanístico-ambiental das cidades. Trata-se de um direito constitucional fundamental, digno de concretização e dimensionamento

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-05T11:47:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Felipe da Rocha Azevedo Panelli.pdf: 1398072 bytes, checksum: e3ef7a696a50694ff468bf876c5a9117 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-05T11:47:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Felipe da Rocha Azevedo Panelli.pdf: 1398072 bytes, checksum: e3ef7a696a50694ff468bf876c5a9117 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-23 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This thesis deals with the issues regarding the tax system as a mechanism of equality. As is well known, the Brazilian tax system contains accentuated injustices, requiring some reforms to achieve a truly progressive taxation. The thesis, however, questions some consolidated points of Brazilian constitutional law and doctrine, such as the need for state intervention in most of the strategic sectors that lead to the development and the efficiency of the State in the management of public funds. Because of these questions, the thesis addresses the possibility of a constitutional system with a smaller, more limited goverment and a stronger presence of organized civil society, which are characteristic of more liberal and less statist legal systems. The hypotheses suggested are about the possibility and convenience of a constitutional system in which the State is not the main protagonist; there is also the hypothesis that state activity - which, by its nature, tends to grow continuously - is damaging to the country's economic and social development. The methodology used was the bibliographical research, with comparison of empirical data that came through research done by several institutes (public and private), as well as analysis of jurisprudence, history of Brazilian constitutional development and comparative law. Critical analysis takes place through a bias of liberal constitutionalism. As a result, it is concluded that it is possible to think of a constitutional system that has a lesser role of the State, as well as that it is necessary to impose political questions on the State's tax activity, questioning its efficiency in the management of funds and in the activities that it proposes to do / A presente tese trata da questão da tributação como mecanismo de igualdade. Como é de conhecimento geral, o sistema tributário brasileiro contém fortes injustiças, necessitando de algumas reformas para alcançar uma tributação realmente progressiva. A tese, porém, questiona alguns pontos consolidados do direito constitucional brasileiro, como a necessidade de intervenção estatal na maioria dos setores estratégicos que levam ao desenvolvimento e a (in)eficiência do Estado na gestão de verbas públicas. Por conta de tais questionamentos, a tese aborda a possibilidade de um sistema constitucional com Estado menor e presença mais forte da sociedade civil organizada, que são características de sistemas jurídicos mais liberais e menos estatizantes. As hipóteses levantadas versam sobre a possibilidade e conveniência de um sistema constitucional em que o Estado não seja o principal protagonista; levanta-se também a hipótese de a atividade estatal – que, por natureza, tende a crescer continuamente – ser danosa ao desenvolvimento econômico e social do país. A metodologia utilizada foi a pesquisa bibliográfica, aliada à comparação de dados empíricos que vieram através de pesquisas feitas por diversos institutos (públicos e privados), bem como análise da jurisprudência, do histórico do desenvolvimento constitucional brasileiro e do direito comparado. A análise crítica se dá através de um viés do constitucionalismo liberal. Como resultado, conclui-se que é possível pensar em um sistema constitucional que tenha um menor papel do Estado, bem como que é necessário impor questionamentos de caráter político à atividade tributária do Estado, questionando a eficiência deste no gerenciamento de verbas e nas atividades que se propõe a fazer

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-13T17:20:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ativismo_judicial.pdf: 887641 bytes, checksum: 67f79003d78d7e122ecf849a5d66099e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-13T17:20:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ativismo_judicial.pdf: 887641 bytes, checksum: 67f79003d78d7e122ecf849a5d66099e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Nenhuma / Acompanhando uma tendência mundial, o constitucionalismo brasileiro é caracterizado pelo acentuado papel da jurisdição na definição das controvérsias sociais e políticas. Neste contexto, a atuação de juízes e tribunais passa a ser compreendida sob um duplo viés: como judicialização da política ou ativismo judicial. O objetivo deste trabalho é, ao diferenciar estes dois modos de conceber a atividade jurisdicional - considerando o primeiro como um fenômeno contingencial e inexorável, e o segundo como uma postura que decorre de um ato de vontade do julgador , colocar em xeque a afirmação de que é necessário a existência de um Judiciário ativista para concretizar direitos no Brasil, posicionamento que predomina no âmbito da doutrina constitucional do país. Para tanto, o caminho a ser percorrido passa por uma retomada dos contributos apresentados pelas teorias jurídicas e políticas norte-americanas, tendo em vista as influências que passaram a exercer no âmbito do direito brasileiro e o amplo debate realizado sobre o tema nos Estados Unidos, desde o estabelecimento do controle de constitucionalidade (em 1803). Sob esta perspectiva, serão demonstradas as consequências da incorporação equivocada que houve no Brasil do ativismo judicial estadunidense, evidenciando a importância de se observar o distanciamento provocado pelas peculiaridades que há entre estas duas tradições jurídicas. Tudo isso conduzirá, ao fim, à afirmação do perfil ativista do Judiciário como um problema ao constitucionalismo democrático, que somente pode ser enfrentado em face da existência de uma teoria da decisão judicial, tal qual a desenvolvida pela Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito (CHD) de Lenio Streck, que, em uma imbricação de Hans-Georg Gadamer e Ronald Dworkin, culmina na afirmação da necessidade de respostas corretas no Direito, compreendidas como decisões judiciais constitucionalmente adequadas. / Following a worldwide tendency, Brazilian constitutionalism is characterized by the important role of the Judicial power in defining social and political controversies. In this context, the role of judges and courts can be understood as twofold: as judicialization of politics or judicial activism. This study intends to question the assertion that is necessary to have an activist judiciary to confer rights in Brazil, which is a predominant position within the constitutional legal scholarship by differentiating these two ways of conceiving judicial review - the first as a contingent and inexorable phenomenon, and the second as a posture that results from an act of will of the judge. To achieve this purpose, the study inquiries the revival of American legal and political theories, that influenced Brazilian law, alongside the extensive/comprehensive debate on the subject in the United States since the establishment of judicial review (in 1803). Within this perspective, the study elaborates on the consequences of this mistakenly incorporation of American concept of judicial activism in Brazil, highlighting the importance of observing the peculiarities caused by the distance that exists between these two legal traditions. Finally, this will lead to the assertion that an activist judiciary represents a problem to democratic constitutionalism, which can only be tackled with a theory of judicial decision, as developed by the Hermeneutical Critics of Law (HCD) developed by Lenio Streck, with an overlapping of Hans-Georg Gadamer and Ronald Dworkin, culminates in the premise of the necessity of right answers in law, understood as constitutionally adequate judgments.

O constitucionalismo brasileiro apresentou uma diversidade de Constituições, para ser exato: 07 Constituições formais (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967 e 1988). Enquanto isso, no país vizinho, a Argentina, vislumbram-se apenas 03 Constituições formais (1819, 1826 e 1853). É o que iremos apresentar nesta dissertação, compreender por que no Brasil houve diversos ciclos de instabilidade acompanhados de diversas Constituições, enquanto na Argentina houve diversos momentos de instabilidade, mas que a Constituição permanece. A fim de responder, primeiramente foram analisadas as causas que sustentam uma ordem constitucional no tempo. Logo, compreendeu-se que é necessário um equilíbrio entre estática e dinâmica constitucional, que as normas constitucionais devem ser conservadas no seu aspecto formal e material, tanto quanto possível, mas quando existente um descompasso irresistível entre norma e realidade, faz-se necessário a mudança. Todavia, ressalta-se que não são todas as espécies de mudança que autorizam a permanência e estabilidade da Constituição, já que há aquelas que se traduzem na descontinuidade mediante a ruptura constitucional causando destruição e instabilidade, ou aquelas que só provocam a instabilidade mediante a quebra ou suspensão constitucional. Analisadas as experiências históricas e constitucionais, primeiro foi constatado que, no Brasil, a instabilidade das suas Constituições é causada por um vício genético insuperável, resultado pelo seu próprio Constituinte ao renunciar a atenção dos problemas pretéritos e projetar uma Constituição moderna ao futuro: o velho mantra liberal francês de romper com a história e iniciar uma nova ordem das coisas. Por conta disso, quando presente profundas dificuldades de harmonia e equilíbrio entre os Poderes e também entre as forças políticas, em vez de buscar uma equação efetiva para promover a dinamicidade das suas instituições, optou-se pela solução de rompê-las e promover uma nova Constituição, com o afã de, prontamente, resolver todos os seus problemas. Enquanto que na, Argentina, observou-se uma formação constitucional conflituosa e tardia, que resultou numa longo anomia constitucional, como também na anarquia e guerra civil. Quando as províncias se conciliam para unir toda a nação, surge uma Constituição para resolver os velhos problemas, logo, projetada na sua realidade-histórica. Assim, com a Constituição de 1853, também surge o Estado argentino, tornando-se, portanto, símbolo da união entre os povos, findando aquela terrível situação de três décadas. Ocorre que, em pouco tempo, por conta das suas peculiaridades histórico-cultural, jurídica e política, houve uma profunda polarização partidária que, diante da sua organização centrada no hiperpresidencialismo, ensejou com recorrência um clima político insustentável. Em decorrência disso se nota uma constante instabilidade política, que para saná-la, diferentemente do Brasil, que rompia com as suas Constituições por meio das revoluções, preferiu fazer uso dos golpes de Estado, ora a suspendendo ora a quebrantando, mas mantendo a sua existência. Portanto, conclui-se que, tanto no Brasil quanto na Argentina, a estabilidade das suas Constituições dependeu da estabilidade das suas instituições e do seus conturbados processos políticos. Ambos os países apresentaram problemas semelhantes, com formas distintas para combatê-los, embora sempre sem solucioná-los efetivamente. / Brazilian constitutionalism exhibited a diversity of Constitutions. To be more precise, there were seven formal Constitutions (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, and 1988). Meanwhile, neighboring country Argentina met only three formal Constitutions (1819, 1826, and 1853). This study takes on this problem, that is, to understand why there were several cycles of instability accompanied by so many Constitutions in Brazil, while in Argentina were several moments of instability but the Constitution remains. In order to answer this issue, this work analyzed the causes that sustain a constitutional order throughout time. Soon it became clear that a balance between constitutional static and dynamics was mandatory, meaning on the one hand that constitutional norms should be conserved as much as possible in both its formal and material aspects, but also that when there exists an inevitable mismatch between norm and reality, a change becomes necessary. Nevertheless, it should be stressed that not all types of changes authorize the permanence and stability of the Constitution, as there are changes which translate into discontinuity by means of constitutional rupture casuing destruction an instability, or at only provokes its instability by means of the statutory violation or constitutional suspension. Having analyzed the historical and constitutional experiences, this work found that in Brazil the instability of its Constitutions is the outcome of an insurmountable genetic vice, caused by the Constituent itself, which results in the renouncing of past issues and in projecting a modern Constitution on to the future: the old French liberal mantra of severing with history and starting a new order of things. For this reason, when profound difficulties of harmony and balance between the Powers and political forces were present, instead of searching an effective equation to promote the dynamicity of its institutions, a choice was made in favor of the solution of breaking them up and promoting a new Constitution, with the eagerness of readily solving all of the nation’s problems. In Argentina, on the other hand, a late and conflictual constitutional formation was observed, resulting in a long absence of the a constitutional order, as well as in anarchy and civil war. When the provinces reconciled to unite the whole nation, there emerged a Constitution to solve the old issues; therefore, its historical-reality was projected. Thus with the 1853 Constitution there also emerges the Argentinian State, which became the symbol, therefore, of the union between the people, putting an end to the terrible situation that lasted three decades. However, it occurred that within a short period, and due to its cultural-historical, juridical and political peculiarities, a deep partisan polarization took place, which in face of its organization centered in hyper-presidentialism, gave rise recurrently to an unsustainable political environment. As a result of this fact, it can be noted a constant political instability which, in order to remedy it – in contrast with Brazil, who severed its Constitutions through revolutions – opted for the use of coup d’Etats, at times suspending and at other times statutory violating it, but maintaining its existence. This study concluded that both in Brazil and in Argentina, the stability of its Constitutions depended on the stability of its institutions and of its troubled political processes. Both countries exhibited similar issues, with distinct forms of opposing it, although without ever solving them effectively.