Abstract: New Orleans, Baltimore, and Charlottesville are reevaluating the presence of Confederate statues in their built environment. Known as the Capital of the Confederacy, Richmond’s cultural landscape is visible through the connection of two historical spaces, Monument Avenue and Shockoe Bottom. Both serve as a powerful case study for how the commemorative narrative of these spaces is contested today and how barriers that exist influence urban planning processes and outcomes.

Urban public space is arguably far from the pacified, freely accessible, democratic space which Western normative literature proposes. It is a site of contention, where different interests, norms and perceptions over appropriate uses and presence come into conflict. The visual is a relevant dimension to understand this process: in fact, claims to space by people with a visible migratory background are often problematized by the media and often responded to with securitization practices. This study contributes to gain insight into spatial practices and the manner in which visibility and invisibility are experienced and strategically influenced by Othered subjects in Piazza Duca D´Aosta, a Milanese square. The result is a case study on the paradoxical meanings that are associated with re-territorialization practices in public space, on a continuum between domestication and detachment, as well as an exploration of the complex relation between visibility as an experience and a practice.

Non-compliance with visitor regulations in national parks can have an impact on park conservation and the experience of other park visitors. Park management in Pacific Rim National Park Reserve located on the west coast of British Columbia, Canada is challenged by visitors’ non-compliant behaviour concerning regulations to keep dogs on the leash in the park. Dogs that run free (off-leash) on the beaches of the park disturb migratory shorebirds, and have the potential to habituate wolves to regard dogs as objects of prey. This study investigates why many visitors opt for non-compliance with regulations aimed at conservation. The goal of the study is to contribute new insights that may help park management find workable solutions to deliver the ‘dual mandate’ of managing protected areas both, for conservation and for nature-based tourism. The study is grounded within the context of Lefebvre’s (1991) notions of the production of space, and recent work in animal geography that addresses the changing role of our canine companions in modern society. The methodology combines qualitative and quantitative research applying Fishbein & Ajzen’s (2010) theory of planned behaviour (TPB). The research is presented using a journal format, which unavoidably implies some repetition of information but allows for the different sections to be read as stand-alone documents. The thesis starts with an introductory chapter. This is followed by a book chapter published in Domesticated Animals & Leisure (Carr, 2015 in press) that reports highlights from qualitative research exploring why park visitors appear reluctant to comply with on-leash rules. Results reveal the beach as a contested space, driven by a strong off-leash social norm. Chapter Three is a journal article format paper that reports on a quantitative survey based on the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) to identify beliefs that underlie visitor behaviour. Results indicate that habit, with respect to dog leashing when at home and on previous visits to the park, appear to impact the ability of the model to predict future behaviour. Chapter Four is a second journal article format paper where it is suggested that ambivalence, the presence of conflicting behavioural beliefs, influences the relation between behavioural beliefs and attitudes in the TPB, resulting in non-compliance behaviour. A concluding chapter summarizes how results presented in the three main chapters contribute to the body of knowledge on animal geography, compliance and research using the TPB, as well as suggesting techniques that park staff should consider for managing visitor behaviour under situations of apparent non-compliance. / Graduate

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Cette étude se penche sur la façon dont le pouvoir politique se est imaginé et imagée dans le centre-ville de Nairobi. Il examine comment l'environnement bâti de la ville a transformé l'ubiquité en place-de-appartenance. Construit culture est considérée comme un outil (mais non exclusif) pour forger une relation entre la société et un contexte spatial donné; un support pour la société de «personnaliser» son espace. L'accent est mis bâtiments emblématiques situées dans l'espace central, public et symbolique et est en outre délimitée à leur style architectural. L'autorité politique, mais pas singulièrement responsables de l'identité collective, a été choisi comme point de départ, car sa contribution est décisive. Par conséquent, il est aussi un produit de la performance politique Nairobi est interrogé. Une exploration des connotations et les nuances des styles utilisés pour ériger ses bâtiments emblématiques possibles sont esquissées. Gouvernement colonial de Nairobi utilisé un style néo-classique. Kenyatta, le premier président indigène, se est éloigné de cette tradition néo-classique. Sa préférence était une déclaration stylisée-africaine. Et, en plus de choisir un style différent, il réorienté la dynamique spatiale dans City Square ainsi ré-articuler son identité. Pour un examen plus complet de Nairobi, elle est comparée à Dar es-Salaam (la capitale commerciale de la Tanzanie) voisin. Dar es Salaam dispose d'une plus grande variété dans les styles architecturaux: arabo-swahili, classique européenne avec des fonctionnalités omanais-arabes et les Sarrasins compositions décoratives. Pendant ce temps, la variété architecturale à Nairobi coloniale, où les Britanniques avaient plus de six décennies undisturbed- pour élaborer leur image, est carrément néo-classique. Présenté avec plus (ou moins) polarisée images coloniales, les présidents autochtones du Kenya et de la Tanzanie ont réagi différemment. L'image postcoloniale de Nairobi est ouvertement «africaine» peut-être une réponse au classicisme néo aussi manifeste des coloniaux. Dar es Salaam, d'autre part, est dépourvu de stridente de va-et-vient dans ses discours stylistiques. En conclusion, il semble que le plus fougueux du concours sous-jacente de posséder une ville, plus articuler son image spatiale; plus contesté un espace a été, le plus spectaculaire de l'image qu'il porte. Nairobi a connu un concours de propriété plus intense par rapport à Dar es-Salaam. Une concurrence intense nécessite un style architectural décisive tout pluralisme stylistique prospère où le concours est moins intense. Cela peut ne pas se applique à toutes les villes en Afrique, mais ce est la vue en gros plan, l'identité imagé dans l'espace central de Nairobi. / This study looks at how political power has imagined-and-imaged itself in Nairobi’s city centre. It examines how the city’s built environment has transformed ubiquity into place-of-belonging. Built culture is considered as a tool (though not an exclusive one) for forging a relation between society and a given spatial context; a medium for society to ‘personalise’ its space. The focus is iconic buildings sited in the central, public and symbolic space and is further delimited to their architectural style. Political authority, though not singularly responsible for collective identity, has been selected as the point of departure because its contribution is decisive. Therefore, it is as a product of political performance that Nairobi is interrogated. An exploration of possible connotations and nuances of the styles employed to erect its iconic buildings are sketched out. Nairobi’s colonial government used a neo classical style. Kenyatta, the first indigenous president, distanced himself from this neo-classical tradition. His preference was a stylised-African statement. And, in addition to selecting a different style he re-oriented the spatial dynamics in City Square thus re-articulating its identity. For a fuller scrutiny of Nairobi, it is compared to neighbouring Dar es Salaam (the commercial capital of Tanzania). Dar es Salaam features greater variety in architectural styles: Arab-Swahili, European classical with Omani-Arab features and the decorative saracenic compositions. Meanwhile, architectural variety in colonial Nairobi, where the British had over six decades–undisturbed– to craft their image, is bluntly neo-classical. Presented with more (or less) polarised colonial images, the indigenous presidents of Kenya and Tanzania reacted differently. Nairobi’s postcolonial image is overtly ‘african’ perhaps as a response to the equally overt neo classicism of the colonials. Dar es Salaam, on the other hand, is devoid of strident back-and-forth in its stylistic discourses. In conclusion, it appears the more spirited the underlying contest to own a city, the more articulate its spatial image; the more contested a space has been, the more spectacular the image it bears. Nairobi has experienced a more intense ownership contest compared to Dar es Salaam. Intense competition necessitates a decisive architectural style while stylistic pluralism thrives where the contest is less intense. This may not apply to all the cities in Africa but it is the close-up view, the imaged identity in Nairobi’s central space.