In this project I investigate the factors shaping compliance with international human rights agreements and I provide a definition of compliance, which goes beyond “ratification.” I argue that compliance is a multistage process, built upon three different steps: ratification/accession, implementation, and what I call “compliant behavior.” As an alternative to the dominant structural and normative explanation of compliance, I suggest that the factors affecting compliance are not only endogenous to state characteristics, such as the democratic/non-democratic nature of governments, but also exogenous, such as the perceived level of threat to national security. I offer a twofold theory that looks at leaders’ behavior under conditions of stability and instability and I suggest that under certain circumstances that threaten and pressure government leaders, state compliance with international human rights law becomes more costly. I suggest that regardless of regime type, threats shape leaders’ behavior toward international law; states are faced with the choice to abide by international obligations, protecting specific human rights, and the choice to protect their national interests. I argue that when the costs associated with compliance increase, because leaders face threats to their power and government stability, threats become the predictor of non-compliant behavior regardless of the democratic or non-democratic nature of the regime.

Thesis (M.A. (Human Rights))--Mahidol University, 2005. / LICL has E-Thesis 0006 ; please contact computer services.

Torture has long been denounced by the international community; the need to protect citizens from abuse at the hands of the state is a principle enshrined in international law. One area where abuse is common is within the correctional system and as a result, there is a need for oversight in places of detention. The Optional Protocol to the UN’s Convention Against Torture (OPCAT) is an international human rights instrument that acts as a preventive measure to monitor all places of detention through regular visits. Supportive of the OPCAT since its adoption, Canada has considered signature/ratification since 2002 but has yet to commit. The purpose of this study is to identify factors that have led to a delay in Canada becoming State Party to the OPCAT despite adherence to the principles that this instrument embodies. A policy analysis framework was utilized to conduct stakeholder interviews and review government documents. The concept of agenda-setting received special attention and content analysis of media reports and a review of government legislative activity were conducted to provide insight into the prevalence of the issue on the public and political agendas. The author argues that while there are real challenges that policymakers must overcome, the absence of political leadership has resulted in stagnation in the decision-making process. As a result, the issue has disappeared from both the public and political agenda. In order for progress to be made, political will must be created and the impetus to act (‘re-setting the agenda’) must come from civil society in the absence of government engagement on this issue.

Torture has long been denounced by the international community; the need to protect citizens from abuse at the hands of the state is a principle enshrined in international law. One area where abuse is common is within the correctional system and as a result, there is a need for oversight in places of detention. The Optional Protocol to the UN’s Convention Against Torture (OPCAT) is an international human rights instrument that acts as a preventive measure to monitor all places of detention through regular visits. Supportive of the OPCAT since its adoption, Canada has considered signature/ratification since 2002 but has yet to commit. The purpose of this study is to identify factors that have led to a delay in Canada becoming State Party to the OPCAT despite adherence to the principles that this instrument embodies. A policy analysis framework was utilized to conduct stakeholder interviews and review government documents. The concept of agenda-setting received special attention and content analysis of media reports and a review of government legislative activity were conducted to provide insight into the prevalence of the issue on the public and political agendas. The author argues that while there are real challenges that policymakers must overcome, the absence of political leadership has resulted in stagnation in the decision-making process. As a result, the issue has disappeared from both the public and political agenda. In order for progress to be made, political will must be created and the impetus to act (‘re-setting the agenda’) must come from civil society in the absence of government engagement on this issue.

Torture has long been denounced by the international community; the need to protect citizens from abuse at the hands of the state is a principle enshrined in international law. One area where abuse is common is within the correctional system and as a result, there is a need for oversight in places of detention. The Optional Protocol to the UN’s Convention Against Torture (OPCAT) is an international human rights instrument that acts as a preventive measure to monitor all places of detention through regular visits. Supportive of the OPCAT since its adoption, Canada has considered signature/ratification since 2002 but has yet to commit. The purpose of this study is to identify factors that have led to a delay in Canada becoming State Party to the OPCAT despite adherence to the principles that this instrument embodies. A policy analysis framework was utilized to conduct stakeholder interviews and review government documents. The concept of agenda-setting received special attention and content analysis of media reports and a review of government legislative activity were conducted to provide insight into the prevalence of the issue on the public and political agendas. The author argues that while there are real challenges that policymakers must overcome, the absence of political leadership has resulted in stagnation in the decision-making process. As a result, the issue has disappeared from both the public and political agenda. In order for progress to be made, political will must be created and the impetus to act (‘re-setting the agenda’) must come from civil society in the absence of government engagement on this issue.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Auxiliadora de Almeida Cunha Arantes.pdf: 1554087 bytes, checksum: 2cbbb11a5ab676f9b17bec5352b8875e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-24 / This work aims at the theoretical approach of torture as a practice that runs through and remains in the history of humans. The sustainment of torture through the ages, despite the continuous process of cultural development, presupposes the existence of an intrinsic obstacle to the humans that prevents its exclusion from the realm of civilization. The search of the obstacle to the ultimate eradication of torture is the main objective of this work. Being essentially a human practice, the theoretical framework consists of the Freudian texts referring to culture and texts of contemporary thinkers who wrote about the cruelty and destructiveness as intrinsic to the relations between men. The approach to torture has been possible from testimonies and narratives of events where this was an extreme practice. The work focuses on the testimony of former political prisoners tortured during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil and adds information about the state of exception that prevailed during this period. The reference to history is adressed through events at different times, which makes evident that the practice is age-old, despite the civilizational efforts to prohibit it. In the closing remarks, are expressed the main conclusions: torture is an act that only humans do and practice throughout history; the torturer who exercises it is fully aware of what is and therefore is responsible for his crime of extreme cruelty; and finally, the finding that the psychic inscription of torture cannot be erased, for nothing that once formed can perish / Este trabalho tem como objetivo a abordagem teórica da tortura como uma prática que percorre a história dos humanos, e que se mantém. A sustentação da tortura ao longo dos tempos, apesar do processo contínuo de desenvolvimento da cultura, faz supor que há um empecilho intrínseco aos humanos que impede sua exclusão do campo da civilização. A busca deste entrave à erradicação definitiva da tortura é o principal objetivo deste trabalho. Sendo uma prática essencialmente humana, o referencial teórico é constituído pelos textos freudianos que se referem à cultura e textos de pensadores contemporâneos que escreveram sobre a crueldade e a destrutividade como intrínsecos às relações entre os homens. A aproximação com a tortura foi possível a partir de testemunhos e de narrativas de acontecimentos onde esta foi uma prática extrema. Privilegio os testemunhos de ex-presos políticos que foram torturados durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil e acrescento informações sobre o estado de exceção que vigorou nesse período. A referência à história é abordada através de acontecimentos em diferentes períodos, o que torna evidente que a prática é milenar, apesar dos esforços civilizatórios que a proíbem. Nas considerações finais, estão expressas as principais conclusões: a tortura é um ato que só os humanos praticam e o fazem ao longo da história; o torturador que a exerce é plenamente consciente do que faz e por isso é responsável pelo seu crime de extrema crueldade; e, finalmente, a constatação de que a inscrição psíquica da tortura não se apaga, pois nada do que uma vez se formou pode perecer

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Auxiliadora de Almeida Cunha Arantes.pdf: 1554087 bytes, checksum: 2cbbb11a5ab676f9b17bec5352b8875e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-24 / This work aims at the theoretical approach of torture as a practice that runs through and remains in the history of humans. The sustainment of torture through the ages, despite the continuous process of cultural development, presupposes the existence of an intrinsic obstacle to the humans that prevents its exclusion from the realm of civilization. The search of the obstacle to the ultimate eradication of torture is the main objective of this work. Being essentially a human practice, the theoretical framework consists of the Freudian texts referring to culture and texts of contemporary thinkers who wrote about the cruelty and destructiveness as intrinsic to the relations between men. The approach to torture has been possible from testimonies and narratives of events where this was an extreme practice. The work focuses on the testimony of former political prisoners tortured during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil and adds information about the state of exception that prevailed during this period. The reference to history is adressed through events at different times, which makes evident that the practice is age-old, despite the civilizational efforts to prohibit it. In the closing remarks, are expressed the main conclusions: torture is an act that only humans do and practice throughout history; the torturer who exercises it is fully aware of what is and therefore is responsible for his crime of extreme cruelty; and finally, the finding that the psychic inscription of torture cannot be erased, for nothing that once formed can perish / Este trabalho tem como objetivo a abordagem teórica da tortura como uma prática que percorre a história dos humanos, e que se mantém. A sustentação da tortura ao longo dos tempos, apesar do processo contínuo de desenvolvimento da cultura, faz supor que há um empecilho intrínseco aos humanos que impede sua exclusão do campo da civilização. A busca deste entrave à erradicação definitiva da tortura é o principal objetivo deste trabalho. Sendo uma prática essencialmente humana, o referencial teórico é constituído pelos textos freudianos que se referem à cultura e textos de pensadores contemporâneos que escreveram sobre a crueldade e a destrutividade como intrínsecos às relações entre os homens. A aproximação com a tortura foi possível a partir de testemunhos e de narrativas de acontecimentos onde esta foi uma prática extrema. Privilegio os testemunhos de ex-presos políticos que foram torturados durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil e acrescento informações sobre o estado de exceção que vigorou nesse período. A referência à história é abordada através de acontecimentos em diferentes períodos, o que torna evidente que a prática é milenar, apesar dos esforços civilizatórios que a proíbem. Nas considerações finais, estão expressas as principais conclusões: a tortura é um ato que só os humanos praticam e o fazem ao longo da história; o torturador que a exerce é plenamente consciente do que faz e por isso é responsável pelo seu crime de extrema crueldade; e, finalmente, a constatação de que a inscrição psíquica da tortura não se apaga, pois nada do que uma vez se formou pode perecer

<p>I attempt to analyze South Africa&rsquo / s legal position pertaining to torture, in relation to the international legal framework. Since it has been established that torture and cruel inhuman and degrading treatment (CIDT) usually occur in situations where persons are deprived of personal liberty, I examine legislation, policies and practices applicable to specific places of detention, such as correctional centres, police custody, repatriation centers, mental health care facilities and child and youth care centers. I establish that although South Africa has ratified the UNCAT and is a signatory to the OPCAT, our legal system greatly lacks in structure and in mechanisms of enforcement, as far as the absolute prohibition and the prevention of torture and other forms of cruel and degrading treatment or punishment are concerned. I submit that South Africa has a special duty to eradicate torture, since many of its citizens and several of its political leaders are actually victims of torture, who suffered severe ill treatment under the apartheid regime. I argue that the South African legal system is sufficiently capable of adopting a zero-tolerance policy toward torture and to incorporate this with the general stance against crime. In many respects, South Africa is an example to other African countries and should strongly condemn all forms of human rights violations, especially torture, since acts of torture are often perpetrated by public officials who abuse their positions of authority. I conclude by making submissions and recommendations for law reform, in light of the obstacles encountered within a South African context.</p>

<p>I attempt to analyze South Africa&rsquo / s legal position pertaining to torture, in relation to the international legal framework. Since it has been established that torture and cruel inhuman and degrading treatment (CIDT) usually occur in situations where persons are deprived of personal liberty, I examine legislation, policies and practices applicable to specific places of detention, such as correctional centres, police custody, repatriation centers, mental health care facilities and child and youth care centers. I establish that although South Africa has ratified the UNCAT and is a signatory to the OPCAT, our legal system greatly lacks in structure and in mechanisms of enforcement, as far as the absolute prohibition and the prevention of torture and other forms of cruel and degrading treatment or punishment are concerned. I submit that South Africa has a special duty to eradicate torture, since many of its citizens and several of its political leaders are actually victims of torture, who suffered severe ill treatment under the apartheid regime. I argue that the South African legal system is sufficiently capable of adopting a zero-tolerance policy toward torture and to incorporate this with the general stance against crime. In many respects, South Africa is an example to other African countries and should strongly condemn all forms of human rights violations, especially torture, since acts of torture are often perpetrated by public officials who abuse their positions of authority. I conclude by making submissions and recommendations for law reform, in light of the obstacles encountered within a South African context.</p>

Magister Legum - LLM / I attempt to analyze South Africa's legal position pertaining to torture, in relation to the international legal framework. Since it has been established that torture and cruel inhuman and degrading treatment (CIDT) usually occur in situations where persons are deprived of personal liberty, I examine legislation, policies and practices applicable to specific places of detention, such as correctional centres, police custody, repatriation centers, mental health care facilities and child and youth care centers. I establish that although South Africa has ratified the UNCAT and is a signatory to the OPCAT, our legal system greatly lacks in structure and in mechanisms of enforcement, as far as the absolute prohibition and the prevention of torture and other forms of cruel and degrading treatment or punishment are concerned. I submit that South Africa has a special duty to eradicate torture, since many of its citizens and several of its political leaders are actually victims of torture, who suffered severe ill treatment under the apartheid regime. I argue that the South African legal system is sufficiently capable of adopting a zero-tolerance policy toward torture and to incorporate this with the general stance against crime. In many respects, South Africa is an example to other African countries and should strongly condemn all forms of human rights violations, especially torture, since acts of torture are often perpetrated by public officials who abuse their positions of authority. I conclude by making submissions and recommendations for law reform, in light of the obstacles encountered within a South African context. / South Africa