<p>This essay aims to research the climate change issue and the relationship social movements, scientist and policymakers have to climate change. Furthermore, this essay has a didactic perspective and aim to illuminate how the climate change issue can be used within the school subject social studies. The policy decided upon by the world leaders during the climate summit in Copenhagen, Cop15, will stand further from the scientific view of climate change in relation to sustainable development than what the social movements’ demands are. To find the relationship a case study have been made, where an observation at the alternative forum Klimaforum09 was made to establish what relationship social movements have with policymakers and scientists. A close reading of the IPCC <em>Synthesis Report (AR4)</em> was made to see the scientific view on climate change and the relationship to policymakers and social movements. The relationship policymakers have with science and social movements have not been researched, since the Cop15 did not result in a global deal. Despite that there was no deal the thesis have been investigated, and the result is that social movements have a close, but critical relationship towards both world leaders and politicians, and to the scientific view of climate change. It is also suggested that science have a relationship to social movements. The thesis cannot be refuted or confirmed.</p>

This essay aims to research the climate change issue and the relationship social movements, scientist and policymakers have to climate change. Furthermore, this essay has a didactic perspective and aim to illuminate how the climate change issue can be used within the school subject social studies. The policy decided upon by the world leaders during the climate summit in Copenhagen, Cop15, will stand further from the scientific view of climate change in relation to sustainable development than what the social movements’ demands are. To find the relationship a case study have been made, where an observation at the alternative forum Klimaforum09 was made to establish what relationship social movements have with policymakers and scientists. A close reading of the IPCC Synthesis Report (AR4) was made to see the scientific view on climate change and the relationship to policymakers and social movements. The relationship policymakers have with science and social movements have not been researched, since the Cop15 did not result in a global deal. Despite that there was no deal the thesis have been investigated, and the result is that social movements have a close, but critical relationship towards both world leaders and politicians, and to the scientific view of climate change. It is also suggested that science have a relationship to social movements. The thesis cannot be refuted or confirmed.

Since the US election in the fall of 2016, China have been looked towards to fill a leadership position in climate change negotiations. This essay focuses on determining China's efficiency in the COP15 and COP22 negotiations in establishing its ambitions and policy objectives. The results show that China was very effective in achieveing their policy aims both at COP15 and COP22 even if the negotiations had different aims. The overall performance of China has affected the COP outcomes and helped its establishment of a leadership role within the group of developing countries in the UNFCCC. This essay also shows that the prior expectation for a UNFCCC climate change negotiation might be a better explanatory factor than institutional goal in determining policy objectives in effectiveness studies.

Focus of this thesis is climate policy of the European Union set in the time frame of years 2009 - 2015. Reason for this is that 2009 and 2015 were the years when the future of global climate regime was to be decided. Climate conference COP15 in year 2009 failed to negotiate treaty which would establish meaningful climate regime. COP21 in 2015, however, was successful in facilitating an agreement about future climate regime. The EU claims to be a leader in climate politics, however, what does this term entail and what part did the EU play in creating global climate regime? Did the EU change the operation of its climate policy between 2009 and 2015 and what made the agreement in 2015 possible as opposed to 2009? Thesis aims to answer these questions using analysis of external and inner policy of the EU. Thesis examines changes in the EU climate policy and if they were quantitative (new policies) or qualitative (development of existing policies) and the impact of these changes on global climate regime.

Being the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitter and second largest economy, China’s role in international climate negotiations has been the topic of much heated debate over the past 10 years. However, few studies have sought to understand China ́s role in the Global Environmental Governance and Chinese leadership therefore remains a lacuna in need of further investigation. This generates one central question: How does leadership theory bring insight into China ́s role in the international climate change negotiations? The research is designed as a qualitative case study, applying an analytical framework by Young (1991). A content analysis in conjunction with the analytical framework is applied to policy documents, speeches and official reports produced by the Chinese Government, UNFCCC and IISD as a way to understand China ́s negotiation strategies and climate change goals. The findings suggest that China has shown weak leadership during the climate summit in 2009, since there was a huge lack of leadership capabilities applied in their negotiation strategies. However, in 2015 China met all leadership indicators to a certain degree and can therefore be seen to have exercised strong leadership capabilities. It can therefore be argued, that China has become a leading actor in the climate change regime due to their shift in negotiation approach from 2009 to 2015, through their influence and position in shaping the global climate change agenda.