Like an elephant, while it may be difficult to describe, corruption is generally not difficult to recognize when observed (Tanzi, 1998, p. 564). Many countries have been, or are currently typified by both lethal conflict and massive corruption. Historically, post-conflict development programs have imposed policies of zero corruption, yet they routinely fail. Initial research into “corruption” also identified significant ambiguities and self-contradiction with the definition of corruption, itself. This study used an Existential Phenomenological methodology with 8 participants from Iraq, Afghanistan, Uganda, South Sudan and Sudan to: 1) redefine and model corruption within a global construct, 2) examine the current doctrine mandating zero tolerance for corruption, and 3) examine the potential for tolerating moderate levels of corruption in favor of reduced lethal violence. Corrupt behavior is alleged by this research to include financial as well as non-financial mechanisms, and is motivated by Human, Institutional and Cultural Factors of Corruption. This research robustly redefines corruption, and develops new theories/models to better explain corrupt behavior. These include the Corruption Hierarchy, the Corruption Pyramid and the Universal Corruption Model. The research was inconclusive with respect to the tolerance of corruption mitigating lethal conflict, but confirmed strong support for policies of zero tolerance. In redefining corruption, many political, social and cultural norms currently exhibited by nation states, including the United States, are corrupt if/when properly classified. I’m desperate about my country. You’ve got to be strong in my country. If you are weak, they will take you. (Jeremy from Iraq).

thesis title: Corruption and other criminal activities in sport The thesis deals with criminal activities in the field of sport. It focuses mainly on corruption in sport and examines it from the perspective of substantive criminal law. It describes the regulation of bribery offences contained in the legal system of the Czech Republic, the legal regulation of corruption in sport in six foreign European countries and international regulation. It deals with the concept of match fixing, which it defines and discusses its forms and occurrence in five selected sports sectors. It also discusses the issue of doping in sport, which is analysed from the perspective of international and Czech national regulations. Key words: criminal law, corruption, sport, match fixing, doping

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In Romania, the consideration that politicians use their influence to control the public procurement market is axiomatic. It is no surprise that the country ranks high in perceptionbased surveys or the low participation of firms on the procurement market. The more difficult task is to demonstrate the existence of restrictions to procurement contracts in order to benefit preferred companies. That is, to measure the extent to which the market is captured by favored companies. Employing data on all public procurement contracts in Romania for the period 2009 – 2015, this paper examines government favoritism in public procurement exerted by political parties. Using a dynamic panel data approach (Dávid-Barrett and Fazekas 2019), the companies are classified based on their winning pattern with respect to government change. Favoritism is observed if winning companies within the government period are also associated with a higher risk of corruption measured by two alternative approaches. The findings confirm that procurement market is captured in a low to moderate proportion (24%) and that the market display patterns of systematic favoritism. This may signal certain progress registered by Romania to combat political corruption. Arguably, the insensitivity of perception indicators with respect to this progress is, at least partly, due to media coverage of the on-going corruption investigations related to the past. / I Rumänien, finns det en allmän uppfattning om att politiker använder sitt inflytande för att kontrollera den offentliga upphandlingsmarknaden. Det är ingen överraskning att landet rankas högt i perceptionsbaserade undersökningar rörande korruption eller att företags deltagande inom upphandlingsmarknaden är lågt. Ett svårare uppdrag är dock att påvisa och bevisa förekomsten av begränsningar kring upphandlingskontrakt med syfte att gynna vissa företag. Med andra ord så föreligger en utmaning att, genom mätning, påvisa i vilken utsträckning marknaden inkluderar favoriserade företag kontra hur den exkluderar övriga företag. Med hjälp av uppgifter om samtliga kontrakt gällande offentlig upphandling i Rumänien under åren 2009 – 2015, undersöker denna avhandling regeringens och dess politiska partiers favorisering. Företagen i upphandlingarna klassificeras med hjälp av dynamiskpaneldata (Dávid-Barrett och Fazekas 2019), baserat på des vinnande mönster kopplat till regeringsbyte. Favorisering kan observeras om vinnande företag inom regeringsperioden även är förknippade med en högre risk för korruption som mätts genom två alternativa metoder. Resultaten bekräftar att upphandlingsmarknaden fångas i en låg till måttlig andel (24%) av favoriserade företag och att marknaden visar mönster av systematisk favorisering. Resultaten kan dock signalera om visst framsteg som Rumänien har uppnått för att bekämpa politisk korruption. Det kan argumenteras att perceptionsbaserade indikatorer fångade inte upp dessa framsteg, åtminstone delvis, på grund av mediatäckningen av pågående korruptionsutredningar i Rumänien relaterade till det förflutna.

This study examines several critical factors deemed to be important in examining why children from Mexico and Central America decide to take risks by traveling alone to unfamiliar places, such as the U.S., in such large numbers. An exploration of present day and historical backgrounds provide insight for social, political, and economic conditions that assist in shaping the landscape and outlook of Central Americans and Mexicans, particularly children on a daily basis.

This study aims to explore the relationship between clientelistic economies and systemic corruption under the framework of Economic Norms Theory. Pointedly, it examines the evolution of contractual mortgage credit as a percentage of GDP (representing the growth of a non-self-enforcing contract market) compared to both actual and perceived levels of corruption in Brazil in order to assess whether Brazil is exemplary of a transitioning economy under the theory of Economic Norms. The hypothesis of this paper is two-fold. First, I expect that as mortgage credit as a percentage of GDP generally increases, actual corruption will decrease. Secondly, I expect that as perceptions of corruption worsen, actual corruption will improve. The results corroborated the hypothesis: as mortgage contracts occupy a larger percentage of national GDP, perceptions of corruption worsened while actual corruption has slightly improved. These findings suggest a shifting set of public values away from clientelistic norms and towards norms associated with contract-intensive economies.

The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent political corruption affects social welfare in Nigeria using a qualitative case study design. This thesis argues that political corruption leads to a concentration of wealth among a minority of elite government officials, resulting in extensive deficiency of social welfare. In addition, political corruption has secondary and tertiary effects throughout society that further exacerbate social welfare conditions. For this study, social welfare is measured by a comprehensive range of social indicators including but not limited to: level of poverty, income inequality, level of infrastructure, and health. Political corruption can only be measured by the sole available gauge of corruption to date: Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index. Research limitations regarding the conceptualization of corruption as well as complexities in defining and measuring social welfare are also addressed. This study concludes that political corruption is a significant factor contributing to poor social welfare in Nigeria, resulting in nothing short of a protracted human tragedy.

This paper is a study of the effects of foreign aid on perceptions of political corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa. In keeping with the consensus on foreign aid effectiveness, this study proposed that Sub-Saharan African countries receiving more foreign aid would be more likely to maintain high levels of perceived corruption. Hypotheses were tested using multivariate regression, controlling for a number of factors which have shown to be influential on perceptions of political corruption. Two models were tested, one to show the regression over a period of nine years, and the other to show the relationship between the foreign aid and perceptions of corruption over one year. The tests resulted in showing a significantly negative relationship over nine years, but foreign aid lost its significance with perceptions of political corruption over one year. The most influential variable on political corruption in both models was the level of political rights in a country, which indicated a significantly negative relationship between the two variables. The paper also looked at Nigeria in a case study focusing on the effects of foreign aid on governance and economic policy environments, corruption being a major factor in both of these. This study resulted in the conclusion that increases in foreign aid paralleled improved perceptions of political corruption, and that Nigeria's reform initiative during the Obasanjo regime (1999-2007) was the major determining factor in this perception shift. Overall, this study supports the consensus that foreign aid given to countries with reform-minded governments is more likely to contribute to the fight against corruption.

This research aims to investigate how socio-economic factors influence the vulnerability of women to engage in sexual services and potential trafficking in Gauteng, South Africa. This province is South Africa’s most prosperous one with an enormous flow of migrants and is therefore of interest to investigate. Moreover, it is certainly intriguing to examine more into South Africa's measures against human trafficking; additionally, it is interesting to investigate further here because of the signature by South Africa of the Palermo protocol and look further and deeper into if this signature has helped decrease the crime. This research seeks to untangle the complex web of factors contributing to vulnerability. By examining the socio-economic and potential other dimensions of human trafficking in South Africa, the aim is to gain a deeper understanding of how these factors interact, perpetuating a cycle of victimization and further raise crucial awareness of the subject. This research has adopted a abductive qualitative content-desk study to be most appropriate for the research and in order to do at least harm as possible to the victims by using already published documents and reports. Furthermore, theories and approaches such as Radical Feminist Theory, Rational Choice Theory, Human Rights-Based Approach and V-Dem Approach have been used in order to answer the objective as successfully as possible. The conclusion of this study points at the fact that women’s lower societal position, along with patriarchal influences, cultural practices and state corruption impact human trafficking and the vulnerability for women making them fall a victim of the crime. Recommendations that have been made in the paper are further studies on the subject and an idea of universal legislation regarding human trafficking, which could be similar to Agenda 2030 and finally some urgent measures in Gauteng.

Yes / One of the main challenges developing nations face is curbing bribery. While there are many efforts to curb bribery, most focused at macro level, such as law, while little has been examined at the micro level, e.g., individual behavior and intention. Those who did investigate at the micro level tend to focus on the recipients rather than the ones giving the bribe. We explored eight factors that influence Malaysian young adults’ bribe giving intention based on the Reasoned Action Approach (RAA). A total of 345 respondents (M age = 20.68, SD = 2.01, 189 are females) completed questionnaires about all RAA variables. Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM) was carried out using smartPLS3.0 to analyze the result. The result revealed that out of the eight variables, four variables—Instrumental attitudes, Experiential Attitudes, Parents’ descriptive norms and Capacity—explain 74% of the variance in bribe giving intention. An important take-away is that young adult’s perception of whether their parents gave or did not give bribes in a given situation is important in influencing their bribe giving intention. Bribe giving prevention messages must be targeted explicitly toward parents, where they play a crucial role in curbing this dishonesty.