Submitted by Rodolfo de Souza Lima (rodolfo_souza13@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-10T14:43:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LIMA, Rodolfo_Dissertação_versao final.pdf: 5752641 bytes, checksum: 0cf1314c59083b78e76224ec817c02ce (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Claudia Adriana Spindola null (claudia@fct.unesp.br) on 2018-10-10T17:07:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_rs_me_prud.pdf: 5640223 bytes, checksum: b527f2099e76da50eb7e077b9c0af3f4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-10T17:07:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_rs_me_prud.pdf: 5640223 bytes, checksum: b527f2099e76da50eb7e077b9c0af3f4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O objetivo deste trabalho é examinar as dinâmicas e processos da territorialização da Contrarreforma Agrária de Mercado (CRAM) no Pontal do Paranapanema, seus impactos na luta pela terra e no desenvolvimento territorial dos empreendimentos do projeto do Banco da Terra e Consolidação da Agricultura Familiar. A CRAM, foi elaborada e disseminada pelo Banco Mundial (BM) na segunda metade dos anos 90 como uma forma de responder aos conflitos territoriais e tensões sociais decorrentes dos impactos da política neoliberal. O governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, que estava fortemente vinculado aos interesses do grande capital internacional, Do Fundo Monetário Internacional e Do BM, adotou agenda agrária do Banco por meio das políticas de crédito fundiário com a finalidade de enfrentar o avanço das ocupações de terra organizadas, sobretudo pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST). Apesar das críticas e do endividamento de milhares de famílias, os governos subsequentes continuaram com a CRAM, realizando ajustes programáticos e envolvendo outros agentes. Em junho de 2001 a política fundiária neoliberal chega ao Pontal do Paranapanema por meio de um acordo entre a UNIPONTAL, a Força Sindical, o Conselho Regional de Desenvolvimento de Presidente Prudente e o Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário, num convênio com o Banco da Terra. Nesta mesma ocasião estavam presentes não só prefeitos da região, mas também os representantes da União Democrática Ruralista. Concluímos, entre outros elementos, que de um lado a CRAM foi uma política conduzida pelos grandes proprietários de terra para disputar a base social dos movimentos camponeses, e do outro lado, forjou territórios caracterizados por territorialidades dissimétricas, em que o endividamento, a sujeição de dezenas famílias mutuárias ao capital financeiro e a normatização neoliberal são emblemáticas. / The objective of this work is an examination of the dynamics and processes of the territorialization of the Agrarian Counterreform of the Market (CRAM) in the Pontal do Paranapanema, its impacts on the land struggle and territorial development in the projects of the Banco da Terra project and the Consolidação da Agricultura Familiar. A CRAM was developed and disseminated by the World Bank in the second half of the 1990s as a way of responding to territorial conflicts and social tensions arising from the impacts of neoliberal politics. The government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, which was strongly linked to the interests of the great international capital, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, adopted the agrarian agenda of the Bank through land credit policies to deal with the advance of organized land occupations, especially by the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST). Despite the criticism and indebtedness of thousands of families, subsequent governments continued with CRAM, making programmatic adjustments and involving other actors. In June 2001, the neoliberal land policy came to Pontal do Paranapanema through an agreement between UNIPONTAL, Força Sindical, the Regional Development Council of Presidente Prudente and the Ministry of Agrarian Development, in an agreement with Banco da Terra At the same time, not only mayors from the region were present, but also representatives of the Rural Democratic Union. We conclude, among other elements, that on the one hand the CRAM was a policy led by the great landowners to dispute a social basis of the peasant movements and on the other hand, forged territories characterized by dissimmetrical territorialities, in which indebtedness, the subjection of dozens of borrowing families to financial capital and neoliberal normatization are emblematic. / FAPESP: 2016/03102-7

Si les livres d’emblèmes ont servi de sujet à de nombreuses études littéraires, leur marché n’a pas fait l’objet d’une analyse historique systématique. Pour y parvenir, cette recherche se base sur deux sources. Un corpus a été réalisé à partir des catalogues des principales bibliothèques permettant de suivre année par année, sur deux siècles et au niveau européen, l’évolution de la production des livres d’emblèmes. Rapidement cette étude a fait ressortir que le principal éditeur de ces ouvrages n’est autre que Christophe Plantin dont la politique commerciale dans ce domaine sera reprise par ses héritiers aussi bien à Anvers qu’à Leyde. La richesse des sources conservées au Musée Plantin-Moretus permet non seulement de connaître tous les frais de fabrication de nombreux livres d’emblèmes mais surtout d’en suivre les ventes au niveau national et international grâce aux foires de Francfort.La recherche a déjà souligné que la vogue des livres d’emblèmes suit de près la progression des idées de Luther en Europe. Les premiers dépouillements et analyses statistiques ont permis de confirmer que si les livres d’emblèmes sont, à l’origine, majoritairement silencieux sur les préférences confessionnelles de leurs auteurs, ils éveillent l’intérêt d’imprimeurs, d’éditeurs et d’auteurs imprégnés d’une culture favorable aux différents courants réformés. Ce facteur est souvent masqué par la prolifération tardive des livres d’emblèmes jésuites et dominicains répondant aux principes tridentins. A ce sujet, les deux sources utilisées ici permettent d’éclairer significativement la ventes des livres d’emblèmes au XVIe et XVIIe siècle. / While emblem books have been the subject of many literary studies, their trade has not been the subject of a systematic historical analysis. To achieve this, this research is based on two sources. A corpus was produced from the catalogs of the main libraries and provides data for tracking the evolution of the production of emblem books to be followed year by year, over two centuries on an European level. Quickly this study revealed that the main editor of these works is none other than Christophe Plantin, whose commercial policy in this field will be taken up by his heirs in Antwerp as well as in Leyden. The richness of the sources kept in the Plantin-Moretus Museum not only allows us to know all the costs of making many emblem books, but also to monitor their sales at national and international level through the Frankfurt trade fairs.Research has already emphasized that the vogue of emblem books is almost simultaneous with the progression of Luther's ideas in Europe. The first researches and statistical analyzes confirmed that if the emblem books were originally largely silent on the confessional preferences of their authors, they have awoken interest of printers, publishers and authors impregnated with a culture favorable to the various reformed currents. This factor is often masked by the late proliferation of books of Jesuit and Dominican emblems responding to the Tridentine precepts. In this regard, the two sources used here helped to enlight on the sales of emblem books in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-10-05T18:12:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 thassiacristinadasilvasoares.pdf: 1645993 bytes, checksum: 4f4205fc97d2f26a76062994bc0d2ecd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-10-09T19:59:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 thassiacristinadasilvasoares.pdf: 1645993 bytes, checksum: 4f4205fc97d2f26a76062994bc0d2ecd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-09T19:59:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 thassiacristinadasilvasoares.pdf: 1645993 bytes, checksum: 4f4205fc97d2f26a76062994bc0d2ecd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-31 / Apresentamos que desde a década de 1990 os organismos internacionais do capital vêm desenvolvendo documentos orientadores para as políticas públicas dos países de capitalismo dependente. Compondo uma das áreas, destacamos a educação superior, que tem nos documentos produzidos pelo Banco Mundial as principais diretrizes norteadoras. Juntamente com estas orientações, em âmbito nacional, transformações sociais, politicas e econômicas criaram condições para a reestruturação do ensino superior brasileiro em vieses distintos. Uma dessas frentes esteve voltada para a reestruturação do ensino superior público federal que teve no Programa de Apoio à Planos de Reestruturação das Universidades Federais (REUNI) a principal forma de concretização. Este Programa apresenta como um de seus objetivos a ampliação do acesso e permanência estudantil. Instituído em 2006, possibilitou a criação de outros programas para que seus objetivos fossem alcançados. Durante esse processo, movimentos e organizações sociais que sempre lutaram e lutam em prol do direito à educação, realizaram reivindicações e apresentaram suas demandas. Diante dessa situação e das diretrizes da política nacional, as demandas desses movimentos foram reeditadas e consolidadas numa perspectiva que atendesse à lógica contrarreformista. Nesse contexto, foram criados pelo governo federal programas voltados para a ampliação do acesso nas universidades públicas federais e para a permanência estudantil, dos quais destacamos o Programa Nacional de Assistência Estudantil (PNAEs) Recuperando essas questões, tendo como campo de estudo a UFJF, as reflexões deste estudo evidenciam que, no período estudado, os recursos da política de assistência estudantil não cresceram na mesma proporção das políticas de acesso. Isso significa que os recursos para as ações de permanência estudantil são desproporcionais e insuficientes para atender o crescimento da demanda, o leque de ações que o PNAEs apresenta, bem como os desdobramentos dos programas de expansão do ensino superior. Além disso, identificamos que o formato atual da política de assistência estudantil possui funcionalidades com a política de expansão do acesso no contexto de contrarreforma do ensino superior nos anos 2000. / We show that since the 1990s the capital international organizations have been developing guidance documents for the public policies of countries with peripheral capitalism. Composing one of the areas, we highlight the higher education which has in the documents produced by the BM the main guiding directives. Together with these guidelines at the national level, social, political, and economic transformations have created the conditions for Brazilian Hight education restructuring in different biases. One of these fronts was focused on the public higher education restructuring that had REUNI as the main implementation way. This Program presents as one of its objectives the expansion of student access and permanence. Established in 2006, it enabled the creation of other programs to achieve its objectives. During this process, different movements and social organizations that have always fought and fight for the right to education performing claims and presenting their demands. Faced with this situation and the directives of national politics, the demands of these movements were re-edited and consolidated in a perspective that complied with counterreformist logic. In this context, programs were created by the Federal Government aiming to increase the access to federal public universities and for student permanence, among which we highlight the National Program of Student Assistance. Recovering these questions, having as field of study the UFJF, the reflections of this study show that there is no proportionality between the access policies and student permanence. The resources for student permanence ctions are disproportionate and insufficient to meet the demand growth, the range of actions that the PNAEs presents and the development of programs for the expansion of higher education. Additionally, we identified that in the current format of the student assistance policy it has functionalities with the policy of access expansion in the context of counterreform of higher education in the years 2000.